Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne最新文献_第8页

Rosja i Ukraina – zaufanie instytucjonalne w kontekście społecznych ocen jakości działania instytucji państwa. Podobieństwa i różnice 俄罗斯和乌克兰——国家机构社会质量评估背景下的机构信任。异同

Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.14746/ssp.2022.3.2

Tomasz Masłyk

{"title":"Rosja i Ukraina – zaufanie instytucjonalne w kontekście społecznych ocen jakości działania instytucji państwa. Podobieństwa i różnice","authors":"Tomasz Masłyk","doi":"10.14746/ssp.2022.3.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ssp.2022.3.2","url":null,"abstract":"Celem artykułu była weryfikacja założenia o związku pomiędzy jakością instytucji państwa a zaufaniem instytucjonalnym w Rosji i na Ukrainie. Cel ten realizowano w dwóch etapach. Po pierwsze, na podstawie danych Europejskiego Sondażu Wartości (European Value Survey) oraz w oparciu o wskaźniki makrospołeczne i makrogospodarcze, wyznaczono miejsce Rosji i Ukrainy w europejskim rankingu zaufania instytucjonalnego (dane sondażowe) oraz w rankingu jakości instytucji państwowych (wskaźniki makro). Dodatkowo, w oparciu o dane zagregowane na poziomie poszczególnych krajów, sprawdzono siłę związku pomiędzy pozycjami tych krajów w obu rankingach. Po drugie, wykorzystując dane Światowego Sondażu Wartości (World Value Survey) testowano zależności pomiędzy indywidualnymi, subiektywnymi ocenami społecznych i politycznych efektów funkcjonowania państwa, a zaufaniem instytucjonalnym w Rosji i na Ukrainie. W oparciu o przeprowadzoną analizę sformułowano kilka konkluzji. Po pierwsze, pod względem jakości instytucji państwa Rosja i Ukraina uplasowały się na ostatnich pozycjach w Europie. Po drugie, o ile Ukraina zajęła adekwatną lokatę pod względem zaufania instytucjonalnego, o tyle pozycja Rosji była niewspółmiernie wysoka. Po trzecie, w obu krajach subiektywne oceny efektów działania instytucji okazały się istotnymi predyktorami zaufania instytucjonalnego, aczkolwiek ich siła predykcyjna była wyższa wśród Ukraińców niż wśród Rosjan.","PeriodicalId":34824,"journal":{"name":"Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66621255","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Cybersecurity in the V4 Policy in 2011–2022 2011-2022年V4政策中的网络安全

Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.14746/ssp.2022.3.4

Marek Górka

{"title":"Cybersecurity in the V4 Policy in 2011–2022","authors":"Marek Górka","doi":"10.14746/ssp.2022.3.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ssp.2022.3.4","url":null,"abstract":"The Visegrad Group (V4) is one of the most intriguing examples of cooperation among countries in Central Europe. It unites the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Together, these countries form a useful framework which facilitates policy coordination at the regional level. They also implement EU agendas by creating networks of cooperation with neighbouring countries. These networks are based on the countries’ mutual security geography and a common strategic culture. When, in 2014, the most important political goals were achieved, there emerged a need to set a new direction for cooperation. It turned out that many issues in the field of public policy, such as transport infrastructure, natural environment, tourism, migration, culture or education, can be effectively implemented at the V4 level. Moreover, cooperation in a common cybersecurity policy is now a chance for deeper cooperation between the four countries. However, changes in the use and dissemination of cybertechnology in the public space began to gather momentum only in the first decade of the 21st century. Thus, the process of cyberrevolution was a harbinger of changes in state management. This study analyses the cybersecurity policy of the Visegrad Group countries from 2011–2022 from both military and non-military aspects.","PeriodicalId":34824,"journal":{"name":"Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49563570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Analogie historyczne w działaniu politycznym. Casus Kazachstanu 政治行动中的历史类比。Casus哈萨克斯坦

Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.14746/ssp.2022.3.3

Michał Kuryłowicz

引用次数: 0

Ewolucja przemówień Wołodymyra Zełenskiego jako prezydenta Ukrainy przed 24 lutego 2022 roku 2022年2月24日前乌克兰总统弗拉基米尔·泽连斯基演讲的演变

Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.14746/ssp.2022.3.7

Łukasz Donaj, Marcin Wochelski

引用次数: 2

Recenzja książki Rob Riemen, Walczyć z tą epoką. O faszyzmie i humanizmie, przeł. A. Oczko, Universitas, Kraków 2020, ss. 143

Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne Pub Date : 2022-07-13 DOI: 10.35757/stp.2022.50.1.08

Konrad Majkowski

引用次数: 0

Dominika Ćosić, Balkan Express, Ośrodek Myśli Politycznej, Kraków 2020, ss. 179

Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne Pub Date : 2022-07-13 DOI: 10.35757/stp.2022.50.1.10

W. Roszkowski

引用次数: 0

Will China Take Over the World in the Middle of the 21st Century? 21世纪中叶，中国会主宰世界吗?

Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne Pub Date : 2022-07-13 DOI: 10.35757/stp.2022.50.1.01

J. Fiszer

{"title":"Will China Take Over the World in the Middle of the 21st Century?","authors":"J. Fiszer","doi":"10.35757/stp.2022.50.1.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35757/stp.2022.50.1.01","url":null,"abstract":"The subject of this article is China and the analysis of its chances of gaining the status of the number one superpower in the world by the middle of the 21st century. I try to answer two fundamental questions here: Will China take over the world in the middle of the 21st century and will the United States and its allies allow this to happen? I try to answer these in both theoretical and utilitarian terms. I refer to several research theories, including the theory of equilibrium support and George Modelski’s long cycle theory. Above all, I refer to the theory of the state’s foreign policy, the theory of classical realism and the theory of hegemonic change. I use a comparative method and a critical discourse analysis, among others.The main hypothesis of the article is the conclusion that the United States is slowly losing its position as a global hegemon in the international arena, which strengthens China’s chances of achieving its strategic goal in international politics, which is to take over the world by the mid-21st century.However, this will not be an easy task. It will depend on many factors, including the internal situation in China and the policy of the United States and its allies towards Chinese aspirations, as well as Russia’s position on this issue, which is already competing with China’s growing influence in the world. China may also join forces with Russia and collectively deprive the United States of its hegemonic status. On the other hand, there is a tendency in political science to assume that Russia-China relations are a balancing alliance for the United States. However, this practice may verify the overall Russia-China relations in favour of the United States, thanks to which it will manage to maintain control over the world and defend its status as a hegemon in the international arena.","PeriodicalId":34824,"journal":{"name":"Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82393902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Kształt polityki organizacji syjonistycznej we Lwowie po śmierci Leona Reicha (lata 1929–1934)

Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne Pub Date : 2022-07-13 DOI: 10.35757/stp.2022.50.1.06

Kinga Węgrzyn

{"title":"Kształt polityki organizacji syjonistycznej we Lwowie po śmierci Leona Reicha (lata 1929–1934)","authors":"Kinga Węgrzyn","doi":"10.35757/stp.2022.50.1.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35757/stp.2022.50.1.06","url":null,"abstract":"The year 1929 ended an important ten-year period of reorganisation and consolidation of the Zionist movement in Poland for the Zionists from Galicia and other districts. Undoubtedly, these years were the time of the greatest activity and development of the Zionists. Many factors contributed to the Zionist successes at that time; the possibility of free sociopolitical activity in a reborn Poland and the political abilities of Zionist leaders such as Leon Reich, Izaak Grünbaum or Ignacy Schwarzbart. However, the political strength of these leaders also became the weakness of the Zionist movement. The ambitions, tenacity and ruthless ideological struggle between Zionists became the main cause of the internal crisis of the Zionist organisation, also contributing to the decline in Zionist activity in the late 1920s. As a result, the Zionist movement was marginalised in the political life of the Second Polish Republic in the 1930s. The death of Leon Reich, one of the most prominent Zionist activists in post-war Poland, had an undeniable impact on the position of and the decline in the Zionist movement’s activity in Galicia and across the country. The politician’s death also added another dimension. Namely, the durability of the ‘Zion-Zion agreement’ concluded in Drohobycz in 1926 and the issue of the unification of the Zionist movement in Poland was questioned.","PeriodicalId":34824,"journal":{"name":"Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73157185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Éric Zemmour, Francja nie powiedziała ostatniego słowa, Instytut Nowych Mediów, Warszawa 2021, ss. 350

Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne Pub Date : 2022-07-13 DOI: 10.35757/stp.2022.50.1.09

W. Roszkowski

引用次数: 0

Recenzja książki David H. Rundell, Vision or Mirage. Saudi Arabia at the Crossroads, Wydawnictwo I. B. Tauris, Londyn-Nowy Jork 2021, ss. 316

Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne Pub Date : 2022-07-13 DOI: 10.35757/stp.2022.50.1.07

K. Pietrasik

引用次数: 0