{"title":"Why Great Strategies Spring from Identity Movements","authors":"H. Rao, Sunasir Dutta","doi":"10.1287/STSC.2017.0046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1287/STSC.2017.0046","url":null,"abstract":"We extend the emergent lens on strategy formulation by arguing that great strategies arise from insurgent identity movements. In motivating the paper, we depict Steve Jobs as an activist constituted by the personal computing movement that attacked corporate computing. We discuss the processes that mediate the link between great strategies and oppositional movements, and suggest that the strategist ought to be an activist rather than an analyst alone.","PeriodicalId":284417,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Race","volume":"219 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122856286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Closing Heaven's Door: Evidence from the 1920s U.S. Immigration Quota Acts","authors":"P. Ager, C. W. Hansen","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3061716","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3061716","url":null,"abstract":"The introduction of immigration quotas in the 1920s fundamentally changed U.S. immigration policy. We exploit this policy change to estimate the economic consequences of immigration restrictions for the U.S. economy. The implementation of the quota system led to a long-lasting relative decline in population growth in areas with larger pre-existing immigrant communities of affected nationalities. This effect was largely driven by the policy-restricted supply of immigrants from quota-affected nationalities and lower fertility of first- and second-generation immigrant women. In the more affected areas labor productivity growth in manufacturing declined substantially and native workers were pushed into lower-wage occupations. While native white workers faced sizable earnings losses, black workers benefited from the quota system and improved their relative economic status within the more affected areas.","PeriodicalId":284417,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Race","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131703782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Uneven Integration: Local Government Integration Policies and Filipino Residents in Nagoya City, Japan","authors":"E. Sioson","doi":"10.1002/APP5.190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/APP5.190","url":null,"abstract":"The failure at the national level to address foreign resident integration has highlighted the need for local governments to implement policies and provide social services to foreign residents to promote multicultural co-existence. How such policies impact the integration of foreign residents given the specific context by which they migrated and settled is what this article seeks to investigate. Indices measuring integration policies tend to assess only what policies are intended to measure, leaving out unintended outcomes that can help better understand policy impact. This study is based on a mixed-methods study of Filipino residents in Nagoya City. Using a multidimensional approach to understand the extent of integration, I found that the Filipino residents are experiencing an uneven integration, brought about by a conflation of the approach of the local government to integration that prioritizes structural integration and the specific context of the Filipino residents in Japan.","PeriodicalId":284417,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Race","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128675485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Politicizing Religion: The Impact of Religious Institutions on Voting in Israel","authors":"Michael Freedman","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2955123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2955123","url":null,"abstract":"Religious organization are a vital part of political life in many countries, including the Middle East. In this paper, I examine the impact of religious institutions on local voting behavior in Israel. Using a novel data set, I examine the association between the timing of entry of Jewish religious study and prayer groups into neighborhoods, and the local voting patterns for all Israeli national elections between 1977 and 2009. I find that the entry of a religious institution is associated with a sharp polarization of voting patterns, with a 4 percentage point increase in vote share for non-centrist parties. I then examine mechanisms for this result by attempting to distinguish between three channels: endogenous entry of the religious institutions, selective migration in response to their entry, and evolving views of existing residents. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative data, I propose that the primary mechanism is due to changing views of existing residents, with a more limited e ect through entry of extremists and exit of moderates from the neighborhood.","PeriodicalId":284417,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Race","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130242852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Legacy of Colonial Governmentality in Nagaland","authors":"T. Haokip","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1621515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1621515","url":null,"abstract":"The Indian state of Meghalaya, since its creation in 1972, had been raven by ethnic conflicts between the indigenous tribes and settler non-tribal communities. The domination of business establishments, labour force and other employment opportunities by settlers who are mainly economic migrants from Bangladesh, Nepal and other parts of India resulted in anxiousness among the native locals, resulting in three ethnic riots between indigenous tribals and settler non-tribal communities. By the turn of the twentieth century the state witnessed a relative change in the nature of relations between the ethnic communities. While the relations between the indigenous tribals and settler communities have relatively improved, ethnic tensions shifted to the indigenous tribes. This article uses the perceived threat hypothesis and a combination of rational choice theory and interpretivism to explain empirically observed realities in Meghalaya. Emphasis is placed on the post-1992 period, focusing on the emerging ethnic relations between the indigenous tribes of Meghalaya.","PeriodicalId":284417,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Race","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122557736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
O. Stark, Lukasz Byra, Alessandra Casarico, Silke Uebelmesser
{"title":"A Critical Comparison of Migration Policies: Entry Fee Versus Quota","authors":"O. Stark, Lukasz Byra, Alessandra Casarico, Silke Uebelmesser","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3014691","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3014691","url":null,"abstract":"We ask which migration policy a developed country will choose when its objective is to attain the optimal skill composition of the country's workforce, and when the policy menu consists of an entry fee and a quota. We compare these two policies under the assumptions that individuals are heterogeneous in their skill level as well as in their skill type, and that individuals of one skill type, say “scientists,” confer a positive externality on overall productivity whereas individuals of the other skill type, say “managers,” do not confer such an externality. We find that a uniform entry fee encourages self-selection such that the migrants are only or mostly highly skilled managers. The (near) absence of migrant scientists has a negative effect on the productivity of the country's workforce. Under a quota: the migrants are (a) only averagely skilled managers if the productivity externality generated by the scientists is weak, or (b) only averagely skilled scientists if the productivity externality generated by the scientists is strong. In (a), a uniform entry fee is preferable to a quota. In (b), a quota is preferable to a uniform entry fee. If, however, the entry fee for scientists is sufficiently below the entry fee for managers, then migrants will be only or mostly highly skilled scientists, rendering a differentiated entry fee preferable to a quota even when the productivity externality is strong. Instituting a differentiated fee comes, though, at a cost: the fee revenue is not as high as it will be when migrants are only or mostly managers. We conclude that if maximizing the revenue from the entry fee is not the primary objective of the developed country, then a differentiated entry fee is the preferred policy.","PeriodicalId":284417,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Race","volume":"82 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131712561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Immigration Policy and Remittance Behaviour","authors":"Matloob Piracha, M. Tani, Guy Tchuente","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3029797","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3029797","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses the impact of a change in Australia's immigration policy, introduced in the mid-1990s, on migrants' remittance behaviour. More precisely, we compare the remittance behaviour of two cohorts who entered Australia before and after the policy change, which consists of stricter entry requirements. Our empirical strategy uses conditional difference-in-differences in the presence of interactive fixed-effects. We first show that Bai's (2009) least squares estimator and conditional difference-in-differences are biased if used on their own. We then derive conditions that are required to obtain a consistent estimator using a combination of conditional difference-in-differences and Bai's (2009) least squares estimator. The results indicate that those who entered under more stringent conditions - the second cohort - have a higher probability to remit than those in the first cohort, though the policy change has no discernible effect on the level of remittances.","PeriodicalId":284417,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Race","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124524245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Skilled Immigration, Innovation, and the Wages of Native‐Born Americans","authors":"A. Islam, Faridul Islam, Chau Nguyen","doi":"10.1111/irel.12182","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/irel.12182","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines the effects of skilled immigration on wages that can be credited to immigrants’ contribution to innovation. Using both individual and state-level datasets from the United States, we find a significant and positive effect of immigration on wages that is attributable to skilled immigrants’ contribution to innovation. Our results confirm previous findings that immigrants contribute substantially to the host economy's innovation, which is a major driver of technological progress and productivity growth. When we augment the analysis to an immigration–innovation–wages nexus, the results suggest that as the share of skilled immigrants in a particular skill group increases, the wages of both natives and immigrants in that group also get a positive boost. We also identify evidence in favor of a positive spillover effect of skilled immigrants on a state's wage level of all workers, including those who do not directly contribute to innovation.","PeriodicalId":284417,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Race","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126218300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Luck Egalitarianism and the Rights of Immigrants","authors":"N. Holtug","doi":"10.1111/raju.12149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/raju.12149","url":null,"abstract":"This article considers the implications of luck egalitarianism for a range of issues relating to international, South-North migration. More specifically, the implications of luck egalitarianism for the question of whether receiving societies are justified in extending to immigrants a less comprehensive set of rights than that enjoyed by other members of society are considered. First, are voluntary migrants responsible for their migration in such a way that receiving societies are justified in extending to them a less comprehensive set of rights than if, say, they had been involuntary migrants, or citizens of the destination country? Since luck egalitarianism aims to redistribute only for inequalities for which individuals are not responsible, there is an issue of whether it will hold individuals responsible for their choice of migration in such a way that it may justify asymmetrical sets of rights between voluntary immigrants and other members of society. Second, it may be possible to allow access for a higher number of disadvantaged migrants if they are granted access to a less extensive package of rights when they reach the destination country than if they are granted access to a more extensive such package. If so, may not the less extensive package of rights turn out to have a greater positive impact on global equality? Both these arguments are critically discussed and it is concluded that neither justifies extending to immigrants a less comprehensive set of rights.","PeriodicalId":284417,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Race","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115367438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Complexity of Immigration Reform","authors":"Jared D. Harris","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2974192","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2974192","url":null,"abstract":"These vignettes, which are framed as appeals from local citizens to their legislator, serve to facilitate discussion of some of the issues surrounding immigration reform, including taxes, business operations, and education. \u0000Excerpt \u0000UVA-E-0394 \u0000Rev. Mar. 11, 2014 \u0000THE COMPLEXITY OF IMMIGRATION REFORM \u0000Your team represents a group of legislators and industry experts from the same state, which has a large population of immigrants. Your assignment is to draft a conceptual piece of legislative policy on immigration that your group of legislators and industry experts can agree on. \u0000Some of your key constituents have raised a number of issues with regard to immigration reform. As a legislator, how would you collectively deal with these issues, some of which are in conflict with one another? How might your group collectively come up with an approach to immigration reform that would address the kinds of issues raised? \u0000One of your constituents, Deborah Theobald, just received second-stage funding for her growing high-tech manufacturing business. The company currently employs 100 engineers, but the additional capital raised will allow it to triple in size. This means that it needs to hire another 150 to 200 engineers as soon as possible, in conjunction with expanding its facility. The facility-expansion plans are fairly straightforward, and the influx of new high-tech workers would be a boon to the community. But the primary challenge is finding qualified workers who are already citizens or who hold green cards, so to meet growth objectives, Theobald is looking into hiring H-1B visa holders. If she can't hire more engineers through these channels, Theobald is considering a move to Vancouver, British Columbia. She has requested a meeting with you next week, because she knows you are working on pending legislation and she wants to know if and how it will help her business. \u0000. . .","PeriodicalId":284417,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Race","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131326302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}