{"title":"Voting for Islamists: Mapping the Role of Religion","authors":"Ellen Lust, Kristen Kao, Gibran Okar","doi":"10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.14","url":null,"abstract":"Much has been written on political advantages conferred to Islamist parties. These advantages are often viewed as resulting from the parties’ organizational strength, their economic policies, or the expected material benefits they award. The role of religion in motivating Islamist support has been largely underplayed, and even less attention has been given to the various dimensions of Islam. This gap in the research remains conspicuous, as evidence from European, African, and American contexts point to a very real relationship between various facets of religion and electoral patterns. This chapter reviews how historical legacies and social conditions in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt have shaped electoral behavior, including the ways in which organizational, economic, or religious factors are associated with Islamist support. Employing original survey data, it investigates the dominant explanations of electoral support as well as the influence of three religious factors—religious identity, practice, and preferences toward the role of Islam in the state. We find evidence in all three countries that citizens’ preferences for a role of religion in the state is strongly correlated with voting for Islamist parties. In Tunisia, religious practice was also significantly associated with support for Islamists. Religious identity was never significant in our cases, however. Attitudes toward party organization and toward service provision were associated with Islamist support in Tunisia and Libya, respectively. Importantly, religious factors were more consistently related to Islamist support than the organizational, economic, and material incentives that have been given so much attention elsewhere.","PeriodicalId":251272,"journal":{"name":"The Oxford Handbook of Politics in Muslim Societies","volume":"51 Suppl 53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128790955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Islam and Economic Development: The Case of Non-Muslim Minorities in the Middle East and North Africa","authors":"M. Saleh","doi":"10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.27","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter investigates a long-standing puzzle in the economic history of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region: why do MENA’s native non-Muslim minorities have better socioeconomic (SES) outcomes than the Muslim majority, both historically and today? Focusing on the case of Coptic Christians in Egypt, the largest non-Muslim minority in absolute number in the region, and employing a wide range of novel archival data sources, the chapter argues that Copts’ superior SES can be explained neither by Islam’s negative impact on Muslims’ SES (where Islam is defined as a set of beliefs or institutions) nor by colonization’s preferential treatment of Copts. Instead, the chapter traces the phenomenon to self-selection on SES during Egypt’s historical conversion from Coptic Christianity to Islam in the aftermath of the Arab Conquest of the then-Coptic Egypt in 641 CE. The argument is that the regressivity-in-income of the poll tax on non-Muslims (initially all Egyptians) that was imposed continuously from 641 to 1856 led to the shrinkage of (non-convert) Copts into a better-off minority. The Coptic-Muslim SES gap then persisted due to group restrictions on access to white-collar and artisanal skills. The chapter opens new areas of research on non-Muslim minorities in the MENA region and beyond.","PeriodicalId":251272,"journal":{"name":"The Oxford Handbook of Politics in Muslim Societies","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125627097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Clientelism, Constituency Services, and Elections in Muslim Societies","authors":"Daniel Corstange, E. York","doi":"10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.45","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.45","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter examines the prevalence and implications of clientelism and patronage in elections in Muslim societies. The authors use cross-national evidence to show that, while clientelism is common in the Muslim world, its presence is linked more to political and economic factors than to cultural attributes. They use case evidence from within the Arab world to examine the use of clientelism in practice, and find that this linkage strategy is especially advantageous for ruling parties, but also disadvantages poor and rural communities with its transactional nature and poor public goods provision. Finally, the authors argue that clientelism is not the only successful strategy for vote-seeking politicians, even in patronage-oriented settings, as political outsiders successfully use institutionalized constituency service to attract electoral support.","PeriodicalId":251272,"journal":{"name":"The Oxford Handbook of Politics in Muslim Societies","volume":"68 6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133250322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Regime Change under the Party of Justice and Development (AKP) in Turkey","authors":"Feryaz Ocaklı","doi":"10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.21","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter examines Turkey’s transition to an authoritarian regime under the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party—AKP). Turkey’s regime transition reflects the broader pattern of “executive aggrandizement,” whereby the accountability of elected governments is progressively eroded. Turkey’s regime has slid gradually from an illiberal democracy constrained by the power of the military to an authoritarian regime in which the president monopolizes political power. The political, economic, and institutional contexts in which elections take place are heavily skewed in favor of the incumbents, and the ballot box serves to legitimize the government rather than holding it accountable. The chapter surveys the primary factors that have influenced the process of regime change. In particular, it focuses on the role of persistent electoral victories early in the AKP’s tenure in government, the marginalization of Erdoğan’s rivals within the AKP, the creation of a pro-government business class that controls the media landscape, the role of social welfare practices, and the party’s capture of judicial and security bureaucracies. While Islamic social movements like the Gülen community, as well as the AKP’s Islamist identity, played a role in regime change, religion’s impact on authoritarian transition was minimal. Studying the process of democratic backsliding in Turkey, a Muslim-majority state, illuminates crucial mechanisms of democratic breakdown and authoritarian regime consolidation more broadly.","PeriodicalId":251272,"journal":{"name":"The Oxford Handbook of Politics in Muslim Societies","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132403844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Exploring the Role of Islam in Mali","authors":"Jaimie Bleck, Alexander Thurston","doi":"10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.38","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.38","url":null,"abstract":"The absence of Islamist parties or religious candidates in Mali conceals the important role that Muslim leaders have played in politics during the multiparty era. Unlike other contexts, where religious leaders have leveraged networks of service provision to launch mass parties, Islamic service provision fuels personalist networks for major religious figures in Mali, who exist in varying degrees of complementarity with the secular state. This chapter examines clerics’ roles in politics and governance in Mali. As trusted providers of social services, including education and justice provision, Muslim clerics also offer patronage networks that are an alternative to those embedded in the secular state. Rather than explicitly challenge the regime, the country’s leading clerics have struck a delicate balance between competition and complementarity with the state. They use their close proximity to the state to influence politics, gain power, and engage in contentious politics, but minimize reputational costs associated with running for office. The chapter demonstrates that the introduction of jihadist groups, and their repertoires of service provision, which explicitly challenges the state, is a strong departure from existing patterns of political engagement by Muslim clerics and their networks. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the ways that jihadist presence, with its explicit challenge to the secular state, could challenge existing patterns of accommodation between religious leaders and the state.","PeriodicalId":251272,"journal":{"name":"The Oxford Handbook of Politics in Muslim Societies","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127913355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Military Politics in Muslim Societies","authors":"N. Lotito","doi":"10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.44","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.44","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the role of the military in perpetuating authoritarianism in the Muslim world. Using cross-national data, the article demonstrates that military repression of large-scale protests has been more likely in Muslim-majority states than elsewhere. It offers three explanations for violent military responses to protests: chronic insecurity and political violence, exceptionally high levels of foreign military assistance, and military organizational cultures that favor authoritarian responses to unrest. The article finds no support for claims that Islam as a culture or religion has any systematic effect on military behavior. Several cases of successful democratization in the region demonstrate that authoritarianism is not an immutable feature of Muslim-majority societies.","PeriodicalId":251272,"journal":{"name":"The Oxford Handbook of Politics in Muslim Societies","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132757362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Repression of Islamists and Authoritarian Survival in the Arab World: A Case Study of Egypt","authors":"Jean Lachapelle","doi":"10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.42","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.42","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter explores the causes of state repression against Islamist organizations in the Arab world. Advancing a rich literature on state repression, authoritarianism, and Islamist politics, it proposes a new approach that centers on the role of non-Islamist audiences for explaining the repression of Islamists. Specifically, the chapter argues that when society is divided between non-Islamists and Islamists, an autocrat can repress Islamists to signal a commitment to non-Islamists to protect them from perceived threats by Islamists. It provides supporting evidence from Egypt, which shows how large-scale repression directed at the Muslim Brotherhood after the coup of 2013 served to cultivate the support of non-Islamists.","PeriodicalId":251272,"journal":{"name":"The Oxford Handbook of Politics in Muslim Societies","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131083303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Regime Types, Regime Transitions, and Religion in Pakistan","authors":"M. Nelson","doi":"10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.18","url":null,"abstract":"How does religion shape regime types, and regime transitions, in Muslim-majority states? Focusing on Pakistan, this chapter examines the limited role of religious groups and religious ideas in driving political transitions between military and civilian-led regimes. Since the partition of India and the formation of Pakistan in 1947, civilian-led regimes have been removed in three military coups (1958, 1977, 1999); only one of these (1977) was framed in religious terms. Protesters later helped to oust Pakistan’s military regimes in 1969–1970, 1988, and 2007–2008. Again, these protests stressed nonreligious more than religious demands. Within Pakistan, ostensibly “democratizing” transitions have typically preserved separate domains (e.g., the security sector) for military decision-making; these reserved domains have limited the scope of democracy. This chapter, however, moves beyond military to ostensibly religious limitations on democracy, noting that, while nonreligious protests often figure in transitions away from authoritarian rule, religious constitutional provisions diminishing the rights of non-Muslims have produced what scholars of hybrid regimes call an “exclusionary” or “illiberal” democracy.","PeriodicalId":251272,"journal":{"name":"The Oxford Handbook of Politics in Muslim Societies","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130079934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Islamist Parties and Women’s Representation in Morocco","authors":"Lindsay J. Benstead","doi":"10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.39","url":null,"abstract":"Does electing Islamists help or hurt women? Due to the Party of Justice and Development (PJD) obtaining 13% of seats in the 2002–2007 legislature and the implementation of an electoral gender quota that resulted in thirty-five women winning seats in 2002, Morocco offers a rare opportunity to explore the intersectional impact of parliamentarians’ gender and party affiliation on women’s symbolic and service representation. Using visits to parliamentary offices in Tangiers, a city in northern Morocco, and an original survey of 112 Moroccan Members of Parliament (MPs) conducted in 2008, this chapter finds that responsiveness for female citizens depends on parliamentarians’ party and gender. Female legislators and Islamist deputies (including male Islamists) are also more likely to interact with female citizens than male parliamentarians from non-Islamist parties. It argues that the PJD’s stronger party institutionalization enhances legislators’ incentives to work in mixed-gender teams, leading to more frequent legislator interactions with female citizens. By offering novel evidence that developing a strong party system—in addition to electing women—is crucial for improving women’s representation in clientelistic settings, the results extend the literature on Islam, gender, and governance and offer insights into Islamist electoral success in clientelistic settings.","PeriodicalId":251272,"journal":{"name":"The Oxford Handbook of Politics in Muslim Societies","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132033439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"State-Formation, Statist Islam, and Regime Instability","authors":"Kristin E. Fabbe","doi":"10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190931056.013.7","url":null,"abstract":"Religion, and particularly the forces of political Islam and state secularism, have been central to discussions of regime stability in the Turkish case. Intense polarization, political instability, and military interventions have propelled Turkey into crisis about once a decade, preventing strong democratic or authoritarian consolidation. To explore why both democracy and authoritarianism have “failed to stick,” this chapter advocates for a historical assessment of the relationship between religion and regime, making two interlocking arguments. First, using evidence from the late Ottoman Empire and early Republican Turkey, it argues that processes of state formation shaped the subsequent trajectory of Islamist politics, which came to be dominated by statist or state-centric political Islamist currents. Second, and relatedly, although Turkey’s political Islamists have indeed used grass-roots strategies to inspire and mobilize the masses, legacies of state-building have contributed to another set of strategies at the elite level: State-centric Islamists in Turkey have wielded their moral authority to homogenize and nationalize society, as well as to build and reorient the state in their own image. They have steadily gained influence through a patient strategy of temporary bargains with the anti-democratic forces of Kemalist secularism against mutual enemies (leftists, minority groups, etc.). Finally, they have aspired for institutional capture rather than protracted power sharing—much like their Kemalist counterparts. In this context, many big political battles are fought within the critical institutional corridors of the Turkish state and are thereby destabilizing to it, whether in democratic or autocratic form.","PeriodicalId":251272,"journal":{"name":"The Oxford Handbook of Politics in Muslim Societies","volume":"163 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127340552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}