{"title":"A. B. Hammond, West Coast Lumberman","authors":"G. McKinney","doi":"10.2307/4004809","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4004809","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":246151,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Forest History","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1984-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121624163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The National Forests and the Campaign for Wilderness Legislation","authors":"D. Roth","doi":"10.2307/4004695","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4004695","url":null,"abstract":"T he. Wilderness Act, signed by President Lyndon B. Johnson on September 3, 1964, is a landmark in conservation history. The act provided statutory protection for more than 9 million acres of recreational wilderness and charged three federal agencies-the U. S. Forest Service, the National Park Service, and the Fish and Wildlife Service-with the enormous task of reviewing potential wilderness areas in their jurisdictions. Confrontations between preservationists and commercial interests commanded the lion's share of public attention during the dramatic eight-year congressional battle that resulted in the Wilderness Act. However, the federal agencies that were to assume responsibility for implementing the new national wilderness preservation system also played a crucial part in shaping the bill's history. Long before the legislative battle for wilderness began, the Forest Service had designated more than seventy areas within the western national forests for special wilderness management. As the federal agency with the largest percentage of potential wilderness in its jurisdiction, the Forest Service played a key role in forging the federal response to pressure for wilderness management. Moreover, the agency carried a broad multiple-use mandate, and its growing commitment to wilderness was subject to strong and varied interest-group pressures. Unlike the Park Service and the Fish and Wildlife Service, whose priorities were closely linked to traditional nonutilitarian preservation concepts, the Forest Service was involved in profound and controversial reassessments of its forest management philosophy throughout the various stages of the wilderness movement. Thus, the history of the Wilderness Act is largely a history of national forest wilderness politics.","PeriodicalId":246151,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Forest History","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1984-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132265717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Place-names: Relics of the Great Lakes Lumber Era","authors":"Randall E. Rohe","doi":"10.2307/4004696","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4004696","url":null,"abstract":"In the last two centuries the Lake States forest has been transformed by a succession of fur trappers, lumbermen, miners, farmers, and finally tourists. Each period of activity has contributed elements to the overlapping pattern of placenames found on present-day maps of Michigan, Minnesota, and Wisconsin, and these names tell us a great deal about the history of the region. Naming topographical features-indeed, even deciding which among countless topographical features should be named-was part of the process of taking possession of the land and imposing economic and cultural meaning on its forms. The scattered reminders on Lake States maps are part of a broader legacy of toponymy in the United States-a legacy that includes overlays of Indian, French, Spanish, English, Scottish, German, and other cultural inputs as well as a rich variety of truly American amalgamations, corruptions, and innovations. The galaxy of placenames not only reinforces unique regional characteristics but records a complex and changing history of land use. Although not the first to inscribe \"names on the land,\" Lake States loggers left the richest legacy upon modern maps of the region.' The names that remain from the colorful lumbering era-the second half of the nineteenth century-hint at the preoccupations of the loggers, their changing technologies, their methods of integrating topography and industry, and their sometimes whimsical memorializations of lumbering events and personalities, both important and mundane. Like old logging road grades, scattered clearings, and scraps","PeriodicalId":246151,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Forest History","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1984-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122980969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Kenya Forestry under British Colonial Administration, 1895–1963","authors":"T. Ofcansky","doi":"10.2307/4004697","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4004697","url":null,"abstract":"P rograms for timber conservation have been on the agenda for many regions of Africa since the late nineteenth century. Nevertheless, in the closing decades of the twentieth century it has become painfully evident that many of the continent's forested areas are in danger of being seriously depleted by rapidly expanding human populations and accelerating industrial and agricultural growth. This crisis has been acute throughout eastern Africa and in Kenya in particular. Forestry programs in Kenya, as in most former colonial regions, date from the early days of European rule. As elsewhere, the history of Kenya's forestry programs is punctuated by setbacks; advances came only as the benefits of wise forest use were clearly recognized and the threats to continued forest productivity clearly assessed. Kenya's forest history is closely tied to the problems of colonial rule and the transition to nationhood. Protecting Kenya's forest environment from the impacts of rapid and widespread westernization posed a difficult problem for the colonial administration; officials needed a policy that would guarantee the conservation of large tracts of forested land without restricting the country's economic development.' Prospects for striking a balance between forest protection and industrial and agricultural expansion grew dim as larger amounts of territory came under cultivation and land and timber needs for schools, roads, hospitals, towns, and other social advancements grew. Indeed, by the post-World War II era it was evident to conservationists as well as to politicians that all attempts to achieve these contradictory goals had failed and that a revolutionary new approach was needed to assure the survival of the country's dwindling forests. Because these political and ecological developments parallel those in other parts of Africa, Kenya's troubled forest history is an important case study of the impact of man on forests in the developing nations.","PeriodicalId":246151,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Forest History","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1984-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131380467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Genesis of National Park Management: John Roberts White and Sequoia National Park, 1920–1947","authors":"Rick Hydrick","doi":"10.2307/4004773","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4004773","url":null,"abstract":"T he administrative principles of Stephen T. Mather, first director of the National Park Service, are the foundation for the park system's successes. Mather and his successors, Horace M. Albright and Arno B. Cammerer, believed with missionary zeal that expanding and opening the parks to the public through good roads, trails, and accommodations would not only save these scenic wonders but would convince the government and the public of their inestimable economic, patriotic, educational, recreational, and, later, environmental values. With the businesslike optimism of a marketing salesman, Mather declared that \"our national parks are practically lying fallow, and only await proper development to bring them into their own.\"1 Historians, having accepted the importance of Mather and his successors, have dealt mainly with the formulation of park policy at the national level. This approach has yielded important insights into the evolution of the \"national park idea\" but has left other questions unexplored. For instance, who were the so-called Mather men directing development in each of the parks? How did they translate the Mather tradition into individual park policies? And most important, how did the Mather tradition inspire and invigorate park development on a local level?2 Park historian William C. Everhart has drawn an analogy between the individual park superintendent and the","PeriodicalId":246151,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Forest History","volume":"128 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1984-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133771450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reactions to Scarcity: The Management of Forest Resources in Nineteenth-Century Canterbury, New Zealand","authors":"M. Roche","doi":"10.2307/4004774","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4004774","url":null,"abstract":"T he importance of forests in shaping colonial societies cannot be overstated. Laying the material basis for new communities, frontier settlers employed a broad range of forest products to meet their construction, fuel, and food requirements. Most colonial settlements, endowed with abundant wood resources, met these needs by exploiting the surrounding forests recklessly. But in each case settlers adapted their particular resource utilization strategies to the environmental conditions at hand. In New Zealand, varied forest conditions dictated varied approaches to colonial forest use. In 1840 the islands were more than 50 percent forested, mostly with a lush broadleaf canopy. But most of the forest cover, at least on the South Island, was located on the west coast. Canterbury, situated on the eastern edge of the South Island, shared little in this bounty. Early commentators promoted the treeless expanses of the colony as advantageous for settlement, and in some ways this assessment was correct. But the sparse forest cover also posed problems for settlers who needed wood for construction, fuel, and fencing. The Canterbury situation affords an opportunity to examine frontier attitudes toward a relatively scarce wood supply and to trace evolving methods of coping with shortages in a strategic frontier resource. New Zealand's forests and fisheries began attracting European adventurers shortly after James Cook charted the islands' coastline in 1769. Large-scale systematic European settlement, however, began only in 1839, one year before British sovereignty was declared. Of the six major settlements-Wellington, Nelson, New Plymouth, Otago (Dunedin), Canterbury (Christchurch), and Auckland-all but the latter were planned ventures undertaken or inspired by the New Zealand Company. The agents of colonial development in New Zealand were heavily influenced by Edward Gibbon Wakefield's theory of \"systematic colonization.\" The influential British economic theorist urged the calculation of a \"sufficient price\" for land-high enough to discourage speculation but modest enough to encourage bona fide settlers. This pricing system, he believed, would permi t regulated expansion of the colony and would encourage migration of an entire cross section of British society, thereby ensuring the continuation of British institutions. The Canterbury settlement, founded in 1850, was organized by a body of Wakefield enthusiasts known","PeriodicalId":246151,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Forest History","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1984-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129266112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Lumbering and the Farming Frontier in Aroostook County, Maine, 1840–1880","authors":"R. W. Judd","doi":"10.2307/4004772","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4004772","url":null,"abstract":"umbering was an activity woven deeply into the L fabric of nineteenth-century frontier society. Cash-poor settlers in Pennsylvania, hardscrabble farmers in Michigan, backwoodsmen in Kentucky, and homesteaders in Washington State all relied heavily on nearby logging operations for income from the sale of crops and for work during the slack season for farming. The details of this relationship have never been clearly spelled out in frontier history. Although historians have traced the \"lumberman's frontier\" westward from Maine to the Pacific Coast, they have given little attention to the actual relationship between logging and subsequent regional development in frontier areas. Popular stereotypes-that the lumberman \"let daylight in the swamp,\" thereby preparing the land for the husbandman, or that he left behind a legacy of cutover lands and rural stagnation-remain for the most part unchallenged. The northeastern frontier provides a clear example of the complexities of this relationship. In the agriculturally productive Aroostook and St. John river valleys in northern Maine, the progress of the spring drive of logs out of the heavily forested pine and spruce hinterland was noted anxiously by local farmers, who saw this in many ways as the culmination of their season's work. And lumbermen paid equal attention to the farmers' harvests of crops in the fall. In this last segment of the New England frontier, lumbering and agriculture developed in tandem, mutually dependent, although at times mutually suspicious. These links demonstrate that neither industry can be viewed in isolation. This fact was","PeriodicalId":246151,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Forest History","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1984-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131498687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Predicting from Inventories: A Timely Issue","authors":"Michael Williams","doi":"10.2307/4004775","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4004775","url":null,"abstract":"Editor's Introduction Timber scarcity has been one of the driving issues of the conservation movement since its inception. During the latter part of the nineteenth century, a growing number of concerned onlookers believed that future supplies of timber were threatened. Ironically, these fears began before Americans really knew how much timber there had been in the original forest or how much had been removed. Nonetheless, as the frontier moved westward, leaving cleared land in its wake, it became increasingly obvious that consumption was exceeding supply. In the 1880s the federal government began counting the trees and toting up figures for accumulative consumption. This inventory process continues today, although in much more sophisticated ways. This essay by Michael Williams traces the evolution of these inventories and shows their significance to the forestry community. Earlier in this feature, George A. Craig wrote about the history of timber appraisal systems (JFH, October 1983). The combination of forest inventories and the accompanying appraisal systems has allowed forest managers and others to know how much timber we have, where it is, and what it is worth. However, as with the appraisals, inventory figures have been disputed. Thus in the 1980s, as in the 1880s, the very bases for decision making, let alone the decisions themselves, are subject to close scrutiny. D uring the nineteenth century the American forest was reduced in size by the combined impacts of agricultural clearing, lumbering, and fire. After the Civil War many people were beginning to question the conventional assumption that the forest was inexhaustible. \"The nation has slept because the gnawing of want has not awakened her,\" wrote Thomas Starr in 1865. \"She has had plenty and to spare, but within thirty years she will be conscious that not only individual want is present, but that it comes to each from permanent national famine of wood.\" Starr's use of the word famine was wholly appropriate since wood was second only to food as a basic, lifesupporting commodity in American life. However, the sheer abundance of the nation's forests veiled the wasteful utilization practices of those who strove to achieve the immediate goals of producing agricultural goods and wood products for the expanding nation. Rising trends in agricultural clearing and lumber production in the closing years of the nineteenth century brought Starr's specter of timber famine closer to realization. Between 1900 and 1910 Chief Forester Gifford Pinchot and President Theodore Roosevelt manipulated this specter skillfully to further their general policy of revitalizing the nation through conservation. Roosevelt's opening speech at the historic American Forest Congress in 1905 set the tone for thinking about the forest for the next couple of decades: Our country . . . is only at the beginning of its growth. Unless the forests of the United States can be made ready to meet the vast demands which the growth wi","PeriodicalId":246151,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Forest History","volume":"73 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1984-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134577222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Social Democracy, The Roots Of Ecology, And The Preservation Of The Indiana Dunes","authors":"J. Engel","doi":"10.2307/4004787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4004787","url":null,"abstract":"O nce stretching the entire length of the southernmost Lake Michigan shore, the Indiana Dunes, a 'capricious landscape of shifting sand hills, tamarack swamps, oak forests, and cacti, gained a reputation at the turn of the century as the \"birthplace of ecology\" in the United States. Using the Dunes as a classic laboratory of ecological succession, men like Henry C. Cowles and W. C. Allee transformed the study of vegetational communities from a static, descriptive discipline into an investigation of processes and dynamic relationships. This famous landscape is now largely confined to the 2,000-acre Indiana Dunes State Park and the scattered jigsaw-puzzle pieces of the authorized 11,000-acre Indiana Dunes National Lakeshore. Cut in half by a deep-water port and steel mill complex, including the largest blast furnaces in North America, and interspersed with highways, railway lines, shopping centers, and housing developments, the Dunes are only a tiny remnant of their former glory. Given the region's history, however, it is a wonder that any of the original landscape remains. If the \"normal\" course of economic development had been permitted without intervention, the Indiana Dunes might now be completely settled and industrialized, and the megalopolis of the Midwest would extend unbroken from Chicago across to the Michigan line. The movement to save the Indiana Dunes, one of the longest running environmental battles in American history, richly illustrates the imaginative interplay of culture, science, and landscape in the emergence of a social movement dedicated to preservation of the environment. The battle for the Dunes was a blend of the ideal of \"social democracy,\" the special natural and historical features of the landscape itself, and the distinctive principles of the science of ecology developed at the University of Chicago in the early decades of this century. The struggle to preserve the Dunes would not have occurred-certainly it would not have had the character that it did-had not these three factors converged at the beginning of the movement. Nor would the history of the science of ecology in this country have been the same without them.' At the turn of the century, a small band of Chicago reformers, artists, and scientists, joined by a few sympathetic Hoosiers, began the struggle to save the Indiana Dunes. Among their number they counted settlement house workers Jane Addams and Graham Taylor, landscape architect Jens Jensen, national parks advocate Stephen T. Mather, poets Harriet Monroe and Carl Sandburg, artists Frank Dudley and Earl Reed, geologist Thomas C. Chamberlin, and plant ecologist Henry C. Cowles. These were the creative spirits of the Chicago renaissance, men and women embued with the philosophy of the progressive movement. In succeeding years they added new lights to their ranks-nature writers Donald Culross Peattie and Edwin Way Teale, \"Father of Indiana State Parks\" Richard Lieber, and Senator Paul H. Douglas of Illinois. T","PeriodicalId":246151,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Forest History","volume":"201 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1984-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115707138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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