Political Institutions: International Institutions eJournal最新文献

{"title":"Firm Lobbying and EU Trade Policy Making: Reflections on the Anti-Dumping Case Against Chinese and Vietnamese Shoes (2005-2011)","authors":"J. Eckhardt","doi":"10.54648/trad2011033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2011033","url":null,"abstract":"It is an accepted view in the trade policy literature that those who lose from external trade are much more easily mobilized politically than those benefiting from it. As a consequence, the argument goes that there is an overrepresentation of protectionist interests in the political arena and a persistent pressure on policymakers to shield their markets from foreign competition. However, I argue that under certain circumstances, importdependent firms may very well be able and willing to mobilize politically and defend their anti-protectionist trade interests in the political arena. I will use the recent European Union (EU) anti-dumping case against Chinese and Vietnamese shoes to illustrate my argument.","PeriodicalId":236062,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: International Institutions eJournal","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131555670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Contrived Symmetry through the International Atomic Energy Agency","authors":"Chad Rector","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1873646","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1873646","url":null,"abstract":"International organizations are sometimes designed to contrive symmetry, sacrificing policy effectiveness for the sake of preserving a balance of bargaining leverage among member states. When cooperation requires unequal investments in relationship-specific or complementary goods, states will design international organizations with exemptions for some members and limits on the depth of cooperation, even when these reduce the overall value of cooperation to all members, because such limits are the only way to make cooperation mutually-agreeable in the first place. At the height of its post-WWII predominance the U.S. sought an international system to regulate the spread of nuclear technology, a goal widely shared by allies and adversaries alike, but its initial proposals for a strong supranational authority were rejected. Instead, the limits and exemptions structured into the 1957 agreement creating the International Atomic Energy Agency represented substantial compromises from key U.S. goals.","PeriodicalId":236062,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: International Institutions eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125924970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Governance Spaces: Contribution to IR Theory","authors":"Yulia Lukashina","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1855524","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1855524","url":null,"abstract":"By this article, I try to present technocratic view on IR and global governance. But my suggestion is to divide \"global village\" into technological zones. I borrow this idea from A. Barry's book. The space of standardized technologies and devices, the space of common legislation on technology is a bridge to a common political discourse. Discourse as a code: the more codes we share, the simpler our interactions. This idea includes such \"pure\" political (it's better to say - governmental) technologies as electronic government. Here I equate technology in politics with institutional design.","PeriodicalId":236062,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: International Institutions eJournal","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130144456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Responsibility to Protect: Libya and Côte D’Ivoire","authors":"Mònica Serrano","doi":"10.37974/ALF.195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37974/ALF.195","url":null,"abstract":"Over the course of four weeks the UN Security Council adopted a number of resolutions that evoked or explicitly referred to the Responsibility to Protect. In both Libya and Cote d’Ivoire, the R2P was a key ingredient in the decision by the Security Council to respond in a 'timely and decisive' manner to the spectre and evidence of mass atrocities. However, the difficulties faced in terms of anticipating, preventing and opening up the range of policy options available to the international community of states have made abundantly clear the need to further develop R2P as a policy tool. This article examines the problems of action faced when enforcing the Responsibility to Protect, the complications that arise when launching a military operation framed by the narrow goal of protecting civilians and the possible need to broaden the scope of authority for more forceful action when argumentation and persuasion prove insufficient.","PeriodicalId":236062,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: International Institutions eJournal","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115005031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Course Corrections: The Obama Administration at the United Nations","authors":"David L. Bosco","doi":"10.1163/187119111X587884","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/187119111X587884","url":null,"abstract":"Less has changed in US diplomacy at the United Nations than many observers expected when the Obama administration took office in January 2009. In the UN Security Council, the United States has pursued a generally steady course that in many respects builds on the accomplishments of the Bush administration. Unexpectedly, the Security Council’s pace of work diminished considerably during the first few years of the new administration. The most significant change is the atmospherics of US diplomacy, not its substance: the Obama administration has participated in processes that the Bush administration shunned and has toned down US criticism of the United Nations’ perceived shortcomings.","PeriodicalId":236062,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: International Institutions eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131007094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Corporations and the Uses of Law: International Investment Arbitration as a 'Multilateral Legal Order'","authors":"P. Muchlinski","doi":"10.15496/PUBLIKATION-38239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15496/PUBLIKATION-38239","url":null,"abstract":"This paper seeks to examine the claim, made by certain legal scholars, that international investment law, though based mainly on Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) is in fact a multilateral order that introduces principles of an emergent “global administrative law” into the regulation of state conduct in relation to foreign investors and their investments. Such scholars argue that this order develops through the decisions of investor-State arbitral tribunals which are creating a harmonised understanding of the meaning of BIT provisions and an institutional system of adjudication that furthers the development of global administrative principles. Through a critical examination of this approach the paper argues that this field is not a multilateral order but an unstructured process of privatised legal entrepreneurship which seeks to further a professional interest in developing an extensive, investor friendly, regime of BITs. Furthermore, that process fails as a means of providing effective or legitimate legal review of administrative action. The argument is made both on a theoretical level and by a review of a specific issue in international investment law, namely, the development of wider types of claims and the rise of so-called “treaty shopping” by means of corporate group structuring. In particular the multi-jurisdictional location of various affiliates in a multinational enterprise creates a network of potential claimants in investor state disputes, giving rise to the risk of multiple claims, while the possibility of setting up affiliates in various jurisdictions creates opportunities for “treaty shopping”. “Treaty shopping” involves the enterprise locating an affiliate in a jurisdiction that has signed an investment protection treaty with the host country, allowing various affiliates and/or the parent in a group enterprise to benefit from treaty protection even though they possess the nationality of a state that has no such agreement with the host. In addition “treaty shopping” can be practiced by claimants possessing the nationality of the host country itself by way of the incorporation of a “shell company” in a country that has an investment protection agreement with the host country. It is argued that interpretations of treaty provisions in this area lack real legitimacy and create unacceptable procedural burdens on the host country.","PeriodicalId":236062,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: International Institutions eJournal","volume":"183 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133100436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Changes in Political Discourse from the Lisbon Strategy to Europe 2020: Tracing the Fate of ‘Social Policy’","authors":"J. Barbier","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2221839","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2221839","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this new ETUI Working paper is to identify the changes and enduring features of EU political/policy discourse and to seek to explain them by tentatively relating them to factors regarded as their determinants. In the first section, a theory of EU discourse is presented, in the context of its relationships to law and the funding of policies. Subsequently essential elements of official discourse as manifested both before and after the crisis are identified and it is explained how changes can be interpreted after the introduction of a new ‘governance system’. While hard facts remain to be checked out in the future, some significant turnings are nevertheless already apparent and clearly identifiable.","PeriodicalId":236062,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: International Institutions eJournal","volume":"249 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116445621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The EU, EEAS and Union Delegations and International Diplomatic Law: New Horizons?","authors":"J. Wouters, S. Duquet","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1898664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1898664","url":null,"abstract":"The European Union has a unique ‘sui generis’ status on the international plane, which is reflected in its capability to enter into diplomatic relations with third States and international organizations. Over nearly six decades the EU has gradually built its own worldwide bilateral and multilateral diplomatic network which is made subject, through specific agreements with the host country, to the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. The ‘Union delegations’ are now operating as the diplomatic missions of the EU as a whole, in contrast to the former Commission delegations. This paper examines the relationship between the EU and international diplomatic law: how does the EU establish and conduct diplomatic relations? What legal instruments are being used? How do the Vienna Convention and customary diplomatic law come into play? What is the exact legal status of EU ambassadors and diplomatic staff? In critically analyzing these issues the specific contribution which the EU makes to the further development of international diplomatic law is assessed.","PeriodicalId":236062,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: International Institutions eJournal","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116156096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Politics of Neutrality: UNESCO’s Social Science Department, 1946-1956","authors":"T. Rangil","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1840671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1840671","url":null,"abstract":"This essay analyzes the construction of “neutral” knowledge by the scholars (mostly psychologists, anthropologists and sociologists) who were members of UNESCO’s Social Science Department between 1946 and 1956. Making use of recent literature on the politics of knowledge and using archive material, we try to clarify the postures between what we call “universalists” and “pluralists” in three of the major research projects that shaped the Department: the Tensions project, the race statements of 1950 and 1951, and the program of technical assistance. We make the case that both “pluralism” and “universalism” involved a great deal of political maneuvering and strategy to advance national or professional purposes, and that therefore, neutrality could only be apparent.","PeriodicalId":236062,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: International Institutions eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131227933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"REDD and International Organizations","authors":"Valentina Giannini","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1737609","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1737609","url":null,"abstract":"Climate change mitigation can be achieved, according to many, by means of Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in the Tropics (REDD). Within the climate change policy debate we thus find discussions on how to reduce GHG emissions by designing appropriate REDD programmes and projects. In this paper I try to capture this debate by looking at the role of five major international organizations, which were chosen to represent the different aspects related to REDD. In order for REDD to be successful, not only GHG reduction, but also multiple benefits should be achieved: indigenous and local peoples’ involvement, livelihood improvement, fair and equitable labour, biodiversity conservation, and sustainable forest management, to name some of the most relevant. The selected international organizations are: UN-REDD, The GEF, The CBD, ITTO, and ILO. The role of these is assessed, to understand not only what has been defined and achieved, but also what possible way forward the organizations are envisioning, and what issues remain to be addressed.","PeriodicalId":236062,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: International Institutions eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130731528","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}