Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology最新文献

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Use It or Lose It Harmony in Komo 使用它或失去它的和谐在科莫
Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology Pub Date : 2023-05-13 DOI: 10.3765/amp.v10i0.5461
M. Leduc, Adam G. McCollum
{"title":"Use It or Lose It Harmony in Komo","authors":"M. Leduc, Adam G. McCollum","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5461","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5461","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses a case of putative dominance reversal in the Komo language (Otero 2015, 2019), which we analyze as a related, but distinct repair strategy called “Use it or Lose it” (Mullin & Pater 2015).Mullin & Pater (2015) argue that Use it or Lose it harmony is a pathological prediction of Agree for the same basic reason that “Sour Grapes” harmony (Wilson 2003, 2006; Heinz & Lai 2013) has been regarded as pathological – both Use it or Lose it and Sour Grapes harmony patterns are non-myopic (Wilson 2003, 2006). Wilson argues that unbounded spreading patterns are universally myopic, and as such, no theory should predict that the realization of some element in spreading – trigger or target – depends on downstream information. However, recent research has shown that some patterns in natural languages are, in fact, non-myopic, indicating that the predictions of Agree are not as problematic as previously thought. This paper argues that the best analysis of Komo relies on the activity of [Atr] and both regressive [+Atr] spreading and [+Atr] trigger effacement are repairs to a single marked structure in the language, *VC0[Hi, Atr].","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"80 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125997765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Idiosyncratic Hiatus Resolution: An Argument for Gradient Harmonic Grammar 特质中断消解:对梯度调和语法的论证
Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology Pub Date : 2023-05-13 DOI: 10.3765/amp.v10i0.5459
Brian Hsu, Caitlin Smith
{"title":"Idiosyncratic Hiatus Resolution: An Argument for Gradient Harmonic Grammar","authors":"Brian Hsu, Caitlin Smith","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5459","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5459","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses implications for generative theories of phonological idiosyncrasy, based on two vowel reduction patterns exhibited in Palauan. First, the process involves multiple degrees of idiosyncrasy; in cases of stress shift, vowels may surface faithfully, reduce to some unpredictable degree, or delete entirely. Second, the process involves unpredictability with respect to the patterning of tautomorphemic vowels with respect to hiatus resolution. We show that Palauan vowel reduction and hiatus resolution receive a parsimonious analysis in Gradient Harmonic Grammar (Smolensky & Goldrick 2016), a weighted constraint system in which individual segments and features are specified for non-integer degrees of activity (i.e. presence) in input forms. By proposing that vowels in Palauan may be specified for distinct input activity values, we are able to capture the idiosyncratic patterning of individual vowels within these two processes.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"413 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126694096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Mora Insertion in Tetsǫ́t’ıné: apparent cases of under- and overapplication Mora插入在tetsnot ' ıné:明显的使用不足和过度的情况
Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology Pub Date : 2023-05-13 DOI: 10.3765/amp.v10i0.5427
Alessandro Jaker
{"title":"Mora Insertion in Tetsǫ́t’ıné: apparent cases of under- and overapplication","authors":"Alessandro Jaker","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5427","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5427","url":null,"abstract":"Tetsǫ́t’ıné is a dialect of Dëne Sųłıné (ISO: CHP) spoken in Canada’s Northwest Territories. In Tetsǫ́t’ıné, prefix vowel length is subject to a complex set of conditions. The basic generalization is that when a consonant is deleted at the same level that a preceding prefix is added, a short vowel results; whereas when a prefix is added first, and an intervocalic consonant deletes at a later level, a long vowel results (Jaker 2022). This paper addresses two apparent counterexamples to this generalation—that is, cases of exceptional long and short vowels, which may be thought of as overapplication or underapplication of mora insertion. In optative paradigms, the consonant ɣ lenites to w in the singular forms at Level 3. w then deletes at Levels 4 and 5, resulting in a short vowel following Level 4 and 5 prefixes. Conversely, the prefixes θe and ɲe are preceded by a null vowel lexically pre-associated to a High tone. This null vowel acquires a mora at Level 2, thus resulting in an exceptionally long vowel when the initial consonants of θe and ɲe are deleted following a Level 4 prefix.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"113 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122498188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Paradoxes of MaxEnt markedness MaxEnt标记的悖论
Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology Pub Date : 2023-05-13 DOI: 10.3765/amp.v10i0.5445
Giorgio Magri, A. Anttila
{"title":"Paradoxes of MaxEnt markedness","authors":"Giorgio Magri, A. Anttila","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5445","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5445","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past two decades, theoretical linguistics has taken a probabilistic turn. Maximum entropy (ME) has been endorsed as a model of probabilistic phonology because of its classical guarantees for grammatical inference. Yet, little is known about the basic organizing principles of ME phonology beyond circumstantial evidence of ME’s ability to fit specific patterns of empirical frequencies. The study of ME typologies is difficult because they consist of infinitely many grammars that cannot be exhaustively listed and directly inspected. Uniform Probability Inequalities (Anttila and Magri 2018) are a new tool that solves the problem: they characterize cases where one phonological mapping has a probability smaller than another mapping and this probability inequality holds uniformly for every grammar in the typology. In other words, uniform probability inequalities are universals of probabilistic grammars. We present a new generalization about ME uniform probability inequalities and argue that they are phonologically paradoxical and prune the set of ME universals down to almost nothing. This suggests that ME is not a suitable model of phonology.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"289 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125747124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Learning Stress with Feet and Grids 用脚和网格学习压力
Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology Pub Date : 2023-05-13 DOI: 10.3765/amp.v10i0.5441
Seung Suk Lee, Alessandro G. Farinella, C. Hughes, Joe Pater
{"title":"Learning Stress with Feet and Grids","authors":"Seung Suk Lee, Alessandro G. Farinella, C. Hughes, Joe Pater","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5441","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates quantity-insensitive stress learning using the MaxEnt learner of Pater and Prickett (2022) and compares the performance of the learner equipped with three different constraint sets: a foot-based constraint set and two grid-based constraint sets, one drawn directly from Gordon (2002), and one that changes the formulation of the main stress constraint to match the foot-based learner. The learner equipped with the foot-based constraint set succeeds at learning all the languages from the Gordon (2002) typology that it can represent; the structural ambiguity of the foot-based representations is not a problem in this regard. The foot-based learner also learns the languages as quickly in terms of number of epochs as the faster of the grid-based learners, which is the one with the revised main stress constraint. We conclude that the foot-based learner and the grid-based learner fare similarly well in this initial comparison on a typologically grounded set of learning problems.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132455415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Transmission of Vowel Harmony and Vowel Disharmony: An Iterated Learning Study 元音和谐与元音不和谐的传递:一个迭代学习研究
Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology Pub Date : 2023-05-13 DOI: 10.3765/amp.v10i0.5439
Bingzi Yu, Youngah Do
{"title":"The Transmission of Vowel Harmony and Vowel Disharmony: An Iterated Learning Study","authors":"Bingzi Yu, Youngah Do","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5439","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5439","url":null,"abstract":"Substantive bias affects phonological acquisition in a way that learners may more readily learn phonetically motivated patterns. Some previous experimental work has proved the effect of substantive bias in a synchronic context, whereas how the bias influences diachronic changes has hardly been studied. This paper investigates the role of substantive bias in phonological transmission. We employed the iterated learning paradigm to compare the transmissions of two artificial languages exhibiting vowel harmony (phonetically natural) or vowel disharmony (phonetically unnatural). In general, participants performed equally well in the two conditions, and the proportions of the two patterns showed a similar decreasing tendency over generations, suggesting no bias effect in the process of language transmission.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129606597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Calibrated Error-Driven Ranking Algorithm as a Solution to Oscillation in Antagonistic Constraints: A Necessary Bias for Algorithmic Learning of Kihnu Estonian 校正误差驱动排序算法作为对抗约束振荡的解决方案:Kihnu爱沙尼亚语算法学习的必要偏差
Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology Pub Date : 2023-05-13 DOI: 10.3765/amp.v10i0.5429
Kaili Vesik
{"title":"The Calibrated Error-Driven Ranking Algorithm as a Solution to Oscillation in Antagonistic Constraints: A Necessary Bias for Algorithmic Learning of Kihnu Estonian","authors":"Kaili Vesik","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5429","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the learning of Kihnu Estonian, a minority dialect of Estonian (Balto-Finnic). I propose a set of constraints to account for Kihnu Estonian vowel harmony patterns, and show that they can be used to produce a restrictive grammar for Kihnu Estonian vowel harmony. With this constraint set, I model the acquisition of Kihnu Estonian vowel harmony via the application of the Gradual Learning Algorithm (Boersma and Hayes, 2001). Antagonistic constraints in the set I adopt pose obstacles to successful learning of the vowel patterns attested in the learning data. These obstacles can be circumvented via use of the update rule from the Calibrated Error-Driven Ranking Algorithm (Magri, 2012).This update rule has been argued to be detrimental to learning variation in stochastic OT. However, though it was originally proposed to address the Credit Problem (Dresher, 1999), I show that it is in fact an elegant solution to the learning problems caused by oscillating constraints when modeling acquisition of Kihnu Estonian vowel harmony.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"127 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116262346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Ablaut and transitive softening in the Russian verb 俄语动词的及物软化
Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology Pub Date : 2023-05-13 DOI: 10.3765/amp.v10i0.5446
Ora Matushansky
{"title":"Ablaut and transitive softening in the Russian verb","authors":"Ora Matushansky","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5446","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5446","url":null,"abstract":"Transitive softening in Russian is a type of consonant mutation resulting from an underlying [CjV] cluster. There exist two closed classes of verbs where it occurs in the present tense in the absence of a clear source for a glide: five verbs with the thematic suffix ‑o‑, which can be illustrated by the verb kolótʲ ‘to stab’, and some 100 verbs with the thematic suffix ‑a‑, which can be illustrated by the verb pisátʲ ‘to write’. To explain how [o] and [a] end up as glides, I propose that the vowels in question change into their front counterparts as a result of the same process as that responsible for the stem ablaut in the verb molótʲ ‘to grind’ (1sg: melʲú). I argue that the hypothesis that ablaut can apply to thematic vowels as well as to stems makes it possible to account for another Russian verb exhibiting an unexpected behavior in the present tense (revétʲ ‘to bellow’). Since the latter part of the argument introduces ablauts involving more than one feature, the remainder of the paper is dedicated to the discussion of how multiple feature changes should be formalized.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127723465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Ancient Greek Pitch Accent, Not Stress* 古希腊音高重音,不是重音*
Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology Pub Date : 2023-05-13 DOI: 10.3765/amp.v10i0.5563
Chris Golston, C. Paulsen
{"title":"Ancient Greek Pitch Accent, Not Stress*","authors":"Chris Golston, C. Paulsen","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5563","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5563","url":null,"abstract":"Ancient Greek accent involves both stress and tone (Allen 1973, Steriade 1988). We present here a new piece of evidence for the details of the tonal part, based on a lowering process whereby a H tone on the final TBU of a word lowers if the word is followed by another tonic word: H...H → L...H. This is essentially what is reported for Rimi, a Tanzanian Bantu language, where HH loses the first of its H tones (Olson 1964, ‘Anti-Meeussen’s Rule’). If correct, this motivates three tonal classes in Ancient Greek: HL* in words like basiléˈàà ‘king.acc’ (Sauzet 1989, Golston 1990) and two additional classes, H*L in basiˈléù ‘king.voc’ and H in basiˈleús ‘king.nom’. ","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"2018 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120923396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Laurentian French Affrication in External Sandhi: The Facts, and a CVCV Analysis 外部变调中的劳伦法语发音:事实和CVCV分析
Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology Pub Date : 2023-05-13 DOI: 10.3765/amp.v10i0.5451
Marie-Michèle Beausoleil, Heather Newell
{"title":"Laurentian French Affrication in External Sandhi: The Facts, and a CVCV Analysis","authors":"Marie-Michèle Beausoleil, Heather Newell","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5451","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5451","url":null,"abstract":"Affrication (also known as Assibilation) is recognized as one of the strongest and most reliable accent markers of Laurentian French, yet its behavior in external sandhi has received little attention. It is described in the literature as variable, optional, and even prohibited. In this article, we demonstrate that affrication between two words is mandatory, prohibited, or optional depending on the syntactic relationship between the words involved. Data comes from a pilot study of 35 native speakers of Laurentian French. We offer an analysis of these effects that considers both the syntactic (phases) and phonological (CVCV Phonology) modules of each derivation.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125993066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
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