{"title":"Faithfulness and underspecification","authors":"Eric Bakovic, Wm. G. Bennett","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5456","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5456","url":null,"abstract":"This work is about two ‘generation problems’ for classic Optimality Theory, chain shifts and saltations. The issues for OT posed by traditional analyses of chain shifts and saltations have led to various embellishments of the classic theory, typically in the form of novel constraint types. Reiss (2021a,b) proposes a general solution to the problem of chain shifts and saltations that relies more directly on different assumptions about representations than about constraints. Specifically, Reiss assumes that underlying representations may be underspecified, and that a map ‘counts’ as a chain shift or as a saltation so long as the surface alternants from a uniform underlying representation match the respective observed alternants. We report here on three results from our ongoing formal assessment of Reiss’s proposed solution.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132212099","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. Tessier, Karen Jesney, Kaili Vesik, R. Lo, Marie-Eve Bouchard
{"title":"The Productive Status of Laurentian French Liaison: Variation across Words and Grammar","authors":"A. Tessier, Karen Jesney, Kaili Vesik, R. Lo, Marie-Eve Bouchard","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5447","url":null,"abstract":"There are competing views in contemporary phonological theory about how to best represent processes that are pervasive, frequent, and phonologically motivated, yet still lexically sensitive. To what extent can – or should – a process that applies idiosyncratically to different morphemes, words, and even phrases, be represented in a way that allows it to generalize to novel forms? We examine this question by looking at prenominal liaison as it is used in contemporary Laurentian French, spoken in Canada. We present the results of an online production study that compares application of liaison in real vs. nonce nouns, and that considers the effect of nonce nouns’ phonological properties and morphosyntactic context on the process. We interpret our results as evidence that liaison behaviour is driven jointly by lexical representations and an abstract grammar, with properties of the real-word lexicon affecting liaison rates in nonce words. We further show that there is considerable variation in the population in the extent to which speakers produce liaison with real h-aspiré words, but that all speakers nonetheless share an understanding of what types of words are more vs. less likely to undergo liaison.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"140 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132476082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Asymmetric Infixation","authors":"Katie Mooney","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5448","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I present novel evidence supporting the claim that there are no right-edge infixes. Based on a typological survey, I demonstrate that all putative right-edge infixes only surface in languages with right-edge prosodic prominences. It is therefore possible to reanalyze all right-edge infixes as prominence-oriented infixes. Infixes, as a result, are highly asymmetric: they can occur in the left edge of a stem or in a prosodically prominent position, but nowhere else. To account for this asymmetric distribution, I propose that infix subcategorization is implemented by Anchor, rather than Alignment. Anchor has been previously argued to also be asymmetric (Nelson 2003), where it can target left edges or prominent positions, but crucially never right edges alone. By contrast, Alignment does not predict this asymmetry. I therefore conclude that affixation is divided into two distinct typologies: reduplication and infixation are governed by Anchor, but generic affixation is governed by Alignment.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129489426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A prominence account of the Northern Mam weight hierarchy","authors":"Noah Elkins, Jennifer Kuo","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5433","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5433","url":null,"abstract":"Northern dialects of the Mayan language Mam have a ternary weight scale for assigning stress, with the added wrinkle that syllables with glottal codas are heavier than those with other coda types: VV > Vʔ > VC > V. This ranking is initially surprising under the currently accepted prominence theory of weight (Ryan 2019, 2020), where all codas are equally moraic in all contexts. However, a phonetic experiment undertaken by Kuo & Elkins (2022) on the Northern Todos Santos Mam variety shows that Vʔ (i.e. syllables with glottal codas) are realized as lengthened glottalized vowels without a [ʔ] release, with vowel length intermediate between that of V and VV. Consequently, the Mam hierarchy VV > Vʔ > VC falls out from the relative phonetic prominence of syllable types, consistent with Ryan’s account. In Ryan’s analysis, VV attracts stress away from VC because vocalic moras are more prominent than consonantal moras (enforced via the constraint VV→MAIN). We build on this analysis and propose that in Mam, Vʔ attracts stress away from VC because of its higher prominence. This result leads to a typological prediction, where differences in the phonological weight of Vʔ and other VC should fall out from language-specific phonetic realizations of Vʔ.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122195412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"An Economy-based Amendment to Learning Hidden Structure with Robust Interpretive Parsing","authors":"Eunsun Jou","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5420","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5420","url":null,"abstract":"Robust Interpretive Parsing is a method of learning hidden structure with error-driven learning algorithms (Tesar and Smolensky 1998, 2000). When an algorithm makes an error while learning a word, it calculates what it considers to be the structural representation of the word (the “target parse”) and changes its grammar accordingly. Among potential directions of grammar change, it chooses the direction that best satisfies the current constraint ranking. However, this choice is problematic because the current constraint ranking is guaranteed to be erroneous: had it not been erroneous, an error would not have occurred in the first place. While this problem has been recognized conceptually by Jarosz (2013), there have not been demonstrations of the problem arising in actual learning simulations. I present evidence from new learning simulations that the choice of target parse based on constraint ranking can indeed lead to learning failure. I then suggest an alternative method of choosing the target parse. This method opts for the target which involves the least amount of rerankings to accommodate for. In other words, it rewards economical change. While this alternative method does not lead to drastic improvement of performance, it does result in more efficient convergence.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133381300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Péter Rebrus, Peter D Szigetvari, Miklós Törkenczy
{"title":"How morphological is Hungarian vowel harmony?","authors":"Péter Rebrus, Peter D Szigetvari, Miklós Törkenczy","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5440","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5440","url":null,"abstract":"There is a significant degree of phonological indeterminacy in front/back harmony in Hungarian (HVH), which manifests itself in lexical variation and/or vacillation. Harmonic behaviour in the zone of variation strongly supports the hypothesis that harmonic classes which individual roots belong to are organized as a paradigmatic system, very similar to inflectional classes. Such lexically determined declension classes are required independently of vowel harmony to account for various other lexically conditioned alternations in Hungarian, e.g., the alternations involving linking vowels in suffixes and yod in 3rd person possessives. A further evidence for the morphologisation of HVH is a paradigm uniformity effect, Harmonic Uniformity, which reduces harmonic uncertainty by making a stem’s harmonic behaviour predictable from that of its root. Thus, HVH is determined by morphology (paradigmatic classes and paradigm uniformity) in addition to (and sometimes overriding) phonology.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131261497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The evolution of similarity avoidance: a phylogenetic approach to phonotactic change","authors":"C. Cathcart","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5434","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5434","url":null,"abstract":"The cross-linguistic under-representation of adjacent consonants sharing a place of articulation within uninflected lexical items is well documented. At the same time, little is known regarding the specific diachronic mechanisms involved in the emergence and maintenance of this pattern. Phylogenetic analyses provide some support for the idea that adjacent identical consonants within words arise infrequently, but stronger support for the idea that words containing such a pattern die out more frequently than those without. I highlight the value of tools used in this paper for exploring the evolution of sound patterns, and also discuss some limitations of the implementation used in the paper to be improved upon.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134448054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Probing a Neural Network Model of Sound Change for Perceptual Integration","authors":"C. Hughes","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5454","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5454","url":null,"abstract":"The cross-linguistic tendency for contrast shifts to occur between some cues more than others has been investigated typologically and experimentally (Yang 2019), but with less attention in computational modeling. This paper adapts a human experimental paradigm (Kingston et al. 2008) to the speech perception component of a neural network model of sound change (Beguš 2020) to better understand how it processes acoustic cues in the context of Yang’s proposal that auditory dimensions affect which cues are more likely to undergo contrast shift. Piloting this neural network probing technique, I find evidence that the model integrates different pairs of English stop voicing cues than humans do, suggesting that further amendments to the model are necessary to implement Yang (2019)’s account. In general, these results highlight potential acoustic processing differences between humans and the model under investigation, a Convolutional Neural Network, which is commonly used in spoken language applications.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117303693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Temporal Coordination and Markedness in Moenat Ladin Consonant Clusters","authors":"Rachel Walker, Yifan Yang","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5443","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper we examine the phonotactics of consonant clusters in Moenat Ladin in terms of their markedness and temporal coordination. Moenat Ladin word-initial clusters include sibilant-stop (SC), stop-/r/ (Cr), stop-/l/ (Cl), and sibilant-stop-/r/ (SCr). However, despite SC and Cl sequences being well-formed in Moenat, sibilant-stop-/l/ (SCl) clusters are almost entirely unattested. We hypothesize that the rarity of SCl clusters owes to a cumulative markedness effect that arises from the combination of marked structures involved in SC and Cl sequences. Our investigation centers chiefly on the status of word-initial SC sequences in Moenat Ladin, for which we hypothesize that the sibilant is organized external to the syllable onset. This hypothesis is supported by an acoustic study of temporal coordination of Moenat, employing the methodology of Ruthan et al. (2019) and Durvasula et al. (2021). We propose a formal account in Harmonic Grammar (Legendre et al. 1990) such that SCl clusters exceed a markedness threshold in contrast to permissible clusters. In this account we employ a model of phonotactics in which a phonotactically non-permissible cluster is modeled as selection of the null parse (e.g. Albright 2008, 2012, Breiss & Albright 2022).","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130702413","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Is Sour Grapes Learnable? A Computational and Experimental Approach","authors":"B. Prickett","doi":"10.3765/amp.v10i0.5435","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v10i0.5435","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I present results from simulations using three different maximum entropy phonotactic models (Hayes & Wilson, 2008; Moreton et al., 2017): one that can only represent Sour Grapes, one that can only represent standard, attested harmony, and one that has the expressive power to capture both patterns. I then present results from an experiment designed to test the predictions of these models and find that humans behave most like the model that can capture both generalizations—challenging the idea that Sour Grapes is categorically unlearnable.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131117576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}