{"title":"Temporal Coordination and Sonority of Jazani Arabic Word-Initial Clusters","authors":"M. Q. Ruthan, Karthik Durvasula, Yen-Hwei Lin","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4485","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4485","url":null,"abstract":"Previous research on the organization of syllable-structure, relying on the timing of the articulators suggests that though both English and Moroccan Arabic have word-initial consonant clusters, Moroccan Arabic does not have complex onsets, while English does (Browman and Goldstein, 1988; Byrd, 1995; Shaw et al., 2011). However, typically, such research employs expensive articulatory equipment. This limits the research to those who have access to such technology. Here, we advocate the use of the acoustic measurements with carefully selected stimuli. We conducted an experiment on 7 native speakers of Jazani Arabic, who produced 6 repetitions of 78 target words (34 real, 44 nonce), which varied in the number of onset consonant (C1, C2), and the sonority profiles. Similarly, to Moroccan Arabic, the results show that onset consonant alignments in Jazani Arabic are consistent with the simplex onset organization. Unlike Italian, the temporal pattern of Jazani Arabic remained the same, as simplex onsets across the sonority profiles. The study shows the effectiveness of acoustic measurements as a tool to understand syllabic organization, through studying the temporal co-ordination patterns.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126680367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Iambic and Trochaic Rhythm in Jieyang (Southern Min)","authors":"S. Yiu","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4480","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4480","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the application of the Iambic/Trochaic Law to complex tone languages like Jieyang (Teochew, Southern Min). With bidirectional tone sandhi on top of its six-tone inventory, duration and intensity measurements were obtained and fitted into Linear Mixed Effects Regression models to inspect whether duration and intensity contrasts of the two sandhi types match the predictions based on the Law. Results confirmed an interaction between rhythmic type and sandhi type, and that prominence indicated by duration and intensity contrasts largely behaves the way as predicted by the Law. This suggests that tone sandhi can be metrically-motivated via duration and intensity, contributing to the rhythmic organization of tone languages altogether.This paper has provided novel support for metrical prominence of tone languages based on the Iambic/Trochaic Law, adding complex tone languages and production results to the recent literature on rhythmic groupings.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130268145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Native and Non-Native Patterns in Conflict: Lexicon vs. Grammar in Loanword Adaptation in Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"N. Guzzo","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4488","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4488","url":null,"abstract":"English loanwords with /ʌ/ that are part of the Brazilian Portuguese (BP) lexicon are normally produced with [ɐ] (pub: [ˈpɐbɪ]). Although [ɐ] is the closest segment to /ʌ/ in the native inventory, it is highly constrained in BP: it is an allophone of /a/ that can only appear in nasal contexts. This paper investigates whether native speakers of BP generalize to novel loanwords the adaptation pattern of English /ʌ/ that is present in the BP lexicon. Two experiments were conducted, one with real loanwords and one with nonce loanwords. In the Real Loanword Experiment, participants consistently used [ɐ] both in oral (pub) and nasal contexts (funk), as predicted given the patterns in the lexicon. In the Nonce Loanword Experiment, participants used [ɐ] significantly more frequently in nasal contexts – in oral contexts, the most frequent adaptation was [a]. This reveals that speakers employ their native grammar to filter new loanwords: in contexts where [ɐ] is not licensed, they favor the corresponding licensed form. These results suggest that native speakers do not generalize non-native patterns that are present in the lexicon, mirroring what has been observed for the generalization of unnatural patterns in native grammars (e.g., Garcia 2017; Jarosz 2017).","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127751136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Gradient Symbolic Representations and the Typology of Ghost Segments","authors":"Eva Zimmermann","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4576","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4576","url":null,"abstract":"Ghost segments are best analysed as weakly active elements under the assumption of Gradient Symbolic Representations (Smolensky & Goldrick, 2016; Rosen, 2016). This assumption allows to predict the attested interactions between phonological markedness constraints and the (non)appearance of ghost segments we find in the languages of the world: first, the co-existence of different types of ghost segments that differ in whether they appear to resolve a markedness problem or whether they disappear to avoid a markedness problem, and, second, the weak contribution to markedness of ghosts. The assumption that all underlying phonological elements have a certain activation that can gradiently differ and might persist into the output structure predicts these two phenomena straightforwardly that are challenging under alternative accounts to ghost segments","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"11 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124233351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Posterior Affricate in Mee and Consonant-Vowel Place Interactions","authors":"P. Staroverov, S. Tebay","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4481","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4481","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper we document a previously unknown allophony pattern of the posterior affricate in Mee (Trans New Guinea; Indonesia). The affricate is realized as a laterally released velar stop [gʟ] before front vowels and with uvular closure followed by a fricative release [ɢʁ] before back vowels. Our description is confirmed in an acoustic study that shows differences in the second formant of the preceding vowel and the periodicity of the release for the two allophones. The interaction between the consonant's place and the following vowel challenges previous claims about the absence of major place (or C-Place) assimilation between vowels and consonants. Our OT-Analysis captures this process by postulating two agreement constraints: one requiring agreement between the release and the vowel and another -- between the closure and the release. Although there is no constraint promoting agreement between C closure place and V quality, we show that this effect can be derived from two local constraints.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126238575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Computational Account of Tone Sandhi Interaction","authors":"Jane Chandlee","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4572","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4572","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents a computational account of three tone sandhi rules in Tianjin Chinese that have received a lot of attention in the literature due to the seemingly complex way in which they interact. Two of the rules apply right-to-left while the third applies left-to-right, making it difficult for both rule- and constraint-based formalisms to account for the interaction in a unified way. In the computational framework advocated for in this paper, the apparent difference in directionality of the three rules amounts to a subtle difference in computational classification: the left-to-right rule has the property of input strict locality (ISL) while the right-to-left rules share the property of output strict locality (OSL). However, the fact that the direction of rules with the ISL property doesn’t actually matter, a unified account becomes possible in that all three rules can be modeled as a single input-output strictly local function.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133510556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Role of Anti-harmony in Learning Neutral Vowels","authors":"Sara Finley","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4471","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4471","url":null,"abstract":"The present study used an artificial grammar learning paradigm to explore the prediction that exposure to anti-harmony might help learners infer that a neutral vowel in a vowel harmony language is transparent. Participants were exposed to a back/round harmony language with a neutral vowel [a]. This neutral vowel either always selected a back vowel suffix, always selected a front vowel suffix, or selected both front-and back vowel suffixes, in adherence to anti-harmony. Results indicated that exposure to a back/round harmony with the neutral vowel selecting either back vowel suffixes, or both front and back vowel suffixes, could induce a bias towards transparent vowels. Assuming that participants inferred that the centralized [a] paired with [o] harmonically, then the predictions that exposure to anti-harmony could induce a bias towards a transparent vowel interpretation were borne out. However, the bias towards a transparent vowel was not significantly different between the anti-harmony conditions and the harmony condition, suggesting that this effect should be replicated with other neutral vowels.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115681788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reconciling CV phonotactics and high vowel deletion in Japanese","authors":"James Whang","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4474","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4474","url":null,"abstract":"High vowel devoicing is a productive process in Japanese, where /i, u/ become unphonated between voiceless obstruents. Recent studies have shown that the vowels can completely delete as a result of the process, resulting in surface consonant clusters. This seemingly conflicts with the strong CV phonotactic preference that has repeatedly been shown in both phonological and psycholinguistic studies of Japanese. This paper proposes that the apparent conflict can be resolved by having phonotactic repairs and high vowel devoicing apply at different phonological levels, adopting a more sophisticated phonological representation than simple /underlying/ vs. [surface] forms. The proposed framework also makes an empirically testable prediction regarding syllabification of clusters that result from high vowel deletion.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130518050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The role of music in documenting phonological grammar: Two case studies from West Africa","authors":"Laura McPherson","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4493","url":null,"abstract":"Though the study of metrics and poetic verse has long informed phonological theory, studies of musical adaptation remain on the fringe of linguistic theory. In this paper, I argue that musical adaptation provides a unique window in speakers’ knowledge of their phonological system, which can provide crucial evidence for phonological theory. I draw on two case studies from my fieldwork in West Africa: tonal textsetting of sung folk music in Tommo So (Dogon, Mali) and the balafon surrogate language in Seenku (Mande, Burkina Faso). I show how results of these studies provide evidence for different levels of phonological grammar, the phonetics-phonology interface, and incomplete application of grammatical tone. Further, the case of the balafon surrogate language shows how studying music can be a valuable tool in language documentation and phonological description. Finally, preliminary study of Seenku tonal textsetting suggests important differences in the level of phonological encoding in vocal music vs. instrumental surrogate speech. ","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129162682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Phrase-level Prosodic Smothering in Makonde","authors":"Nicholas Rolle, Larry M. Hyman","doi":"10.5070/P7141042473","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5070/P7141042473","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on the issue of ‘prosodic idiosyncrasies’ as it arises in the Bantu language Makonde [kde]. Recently, Bennett, Harizanov, & Henderson (2018) proposed ‘prosodic smothering’, whereby prosodic requirements of an outer morpheme override (i.e. ‘smother’) prosodic properties of inner morphemes. We extend their analysis to phrase-level phonology in Makonde. Previous description has established that whether a nominal modifier forms a single phonological phrase φ with the noun is an idiosyncratic property, e.g. a [noun adjective] phrase maps to 2 phonological phrases φ(n) φ(adj) while a [noun demonstrative] phrase forms a single phonological phrase φ(n dem). Prosodic smothering is seen in [noun adj dem] sequences which form a single φ(n adj dem) phonological phrase, where the adj has been ‘entrapped’ and its prosody ‘smothered’. We highlight three contributions which Makonde makes to understanding smothering: (i) smothering targets the lexical head, (ii) smothering is both inward-oriented (a morphological relation) and leftward-oriented (a linear relation), and (iii) a limited amount of outward smothering is parasitic on the presence of inward smothering. From the smothering facts in Makonde, we conclude that prosody is established at two stages: first, prosodic idiosyncrasies apply at spell-out (i.e. the mapping from syntax to phonology), followed by default prosodification which is established within the phonological module itself.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129509695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}