{"title":"A Segment-specific Metric for Quantifying Participation in Harmony","authors":"Avery Ozburn","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4494","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4494","url":null,"abstract":"Despite substantial phonological research into segmental co-occurrence patterns, there is currently no systematic way of calculating the gradient degree to which a segment participates in a harmony system, across its co-occurrences with all other segments. In this paper, I adopt the statistical concept of relative risk as a measure of participation in harmony. I compute both O/E values and the relative risk measure for vowels in corpora of three languages with front/back harmony: Chuvash, Tatar, and Mari. I show that relative risk corresponds to the intuitive notion of how much a vowel participates in harmony, viewed based on how regularly it occurs in disharmonic contexts. I then consider the implications of the results, given what is known about categorical trends of participation in front/back harmony systems in other languages. For example, the relative risk values show that [i] generally participates less in the harmony system than most other vowels in all of these languages, and that marked vowels are typically highly harmonic. As such, this measure can illuminate gradient language-internal and cross-linguistic patterns in harmony participation that are not apparent from more categorical descriptions or entirely clear from O/E values.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"193 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115636361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Kashaya Foot Extrametricality as Post-Accentuation","authors":"Eugene Buckley","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4569","url":null,"abstract":"Kashaya, an endangered Pomoan language of northern California, has an iambic stress pattern, assigned within words and phrases. Accent regularly shifts rightward from a (CV:) foot onto the following foot, including opaque contexts when length is lost or moved by other processes. This paper brings into the analysis a class of lexical triggers of accent shift: specific stems with no long vowels on the surface that nonetheless also trigger this shift. I propose an analysis of all varieties of accent shift as alignment of constituents, requiring the head foot to follow the triggering foot. Particular evidence for alignment comes from the fact that it is blocked by phrasal resyllabification of a word-final consonant. I argue for a unified analysis of all cases that employs a diacritic at the level of the foot, which also provides an account for opacity.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121241395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Tone Association and Output Locality in Non-Linear Structures","authors":"Nate Koser, C. Oakden, Adam Jardine","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4476","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4476","url":null,"abstract":"This paper offers a computational characterization of tone-to-TBU association processes using a restricted least-fixed point logic. Crucially, least fixed point logics allow recursive definitions which capture output-oriented processes. The added requirement that these definitions are quantifier-free ensures that they are inherently local, a restriction that is well-motivated for phonological processes in general. The typology developed here distinguishes between possible and impossible tone mappings, capturing a wider range of attested tone mappings (left-to-right, right-to-left, edge-in, quality-sensitive) than previous rule-based or optimization approaches, while also explaining why certain unattested mapping patterns (for example center-out association) are impossible. This thus represents a strong first approximation of a definition for output-based local functions over non-linear structures","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126078031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Learning a Frequency-Matching Grammar together with Lexical Idiosyncrasy: MaxEnt versus Hierarchical Regression","authors":"Jesse Zymet","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4495","url":null,"abstract":"Experimental research has uncovered language learners’ ability to frequency-match to statistical generalizations across the lexicon, while also acquiring the idiosyncratic behavior of individual attested words. How can we model the learning of a frequency-matching grammar together with lexical idiosyncrasy? A recent approach based in the single-level regression model Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar makes use of general constraints that putatively capture statistical generalizations across the lexicon, as well as lexical constraints governing the behavior of individual words. I argue on the basis of learning simulations that the approach fails to learn statistical generalizations across the lexicon, running into what I call the GRAMMAR-LEXICON BALANCING PROBLEM: lexical constraints are so powerful that the learner comes to acquire the behavior of each attested form using only these constraints, at which point the general constraint is rendered superfluous and ineffective. I argue that MaxEnt be replaced with the HIERARCHICAL REGRESSION MODEL: multiple layers of regression structure, corresponding to different levels of a hierarchy of generalizations. Hierarchical regression is shown to surmount the grammar-lexicon balancing problem—learning a frequency-matching grammar together with lexical idiosyncrasy—by encoding general constraints as fixed effects and lexical constraints as a random effect. The model is applied to variable Slovenian palatalization, with promising results.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130010636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Kattobase: The linguistic structure of Japanese baseball chants","authors":"Junko Ito, Haruo Kubozono, Armin Mester, Shin'ichi Tanaka","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4470","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4470","url":null,"abstract":"On the basis of extensive research, Tanaka (2008) develops a thorough and insightful analysis of Japanese baseball chants of the form kat to ba se X - X - X \"let it fly, hit a homerun, X-X-X!\"where \"X-X-X\" is a rhythmic adaptation of a batter's name (e.g., Kakefu (掛布) > kaa-kee-fuu). The system is of surprising complexity since the kind of rhythmic adaptation a name receives depends in an intricate way on its length. Tanaka shows that a set of three rules is necessary where, for example, the rhythmic alignment of the right edge of the input sometimes targets the last mora (i), sometimes the last syllable of the input (ii, iii):(i) up to 3 moras: Etoo (江藤)>ee-too-oo, *ee-ee-too, Baasu (Bass)>baa-aa-suu, *baa-suu-uu(ii) 4 moras: Kiyohara (清原)>kii-yoha-raa, *kiyo-haa-raa, Ichiroo (イチロー)>ii-chii-roo, *ii-chiro-oo(iii) 5 moras and more: Makudonarudo (MacDonald)>makudo-naru-doo, *maku-donaru-doo, Oosutin (Austin)>oo-osu-tin, *oo-suu-tin, *oo-suti-nnThis paper develops a new analysis within Optimality Theory where the three distinct patterns emerge from a single and unified set of ranked and violable constraints: Depending on the length of the input, different input-output mappings are selected as optimal.Tanaka, Shin'ichi. 2008. Rizumu/akusento no \"yure\" to on'in/keitai-kouzou [fluctuation in rhythm and accent and phonological and morphological structure]. Tokyo, Japan: Kurosio Publishing.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115928007","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Variegated VC Rime Restrictions in Sinitic Languages","authors":"Chiachih Lo, Feng-fan Hsieh, Yueh-chin Chang","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4490","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4490","url":null,"abstract":"In this study, we consider a non-Markedness-based account for VC rime phonotactics in Sinitic languages, with special reference to Taiwanese Southern Min and Hakka. Rime gaps in Chinese languages have been customarily analyzed as co-occurrence markedness constraints. But analyses along this line not only overgenerate by predicting unattested gaps, but also fail to motivate those phonotactic constraints in a principled fashion. By adopting Hsieh’s (2010) duration-based account, we present further phonetic evidence to show that phonotactics of Chinese VC combinations may be attributed to: (i) low perceptibility of coda consonants due to absence of release, and (ii) decreased vowel distinctiveness as a result of vowel reduction. One of the new findings in this study is that the perceptual difficulties are further exacerbated by the relatively shorter duration of Taiwanese checked syllables, if compared with those of Hakka and Cantonese. Also, salient F2 transitions (vowel gliding) may occur to enhance the place of articulation of a stop coda in Taiwanese. Therefore, rime gaps are normally found in contexts whereby (i) VC coarticulation is weak and (ii) vowel distinctiveness cannot be maintained. In sum, the results of our acoustic studies suggest that the duration-based approach offers a more straightforward account for why Taiwanese has more rime gaps than Hakka and Cantonese do.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125387782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Majority Rule in Harmonic Serialism","authors":"Andrew Lamont","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4546","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4546","url":null,"abstract":"Majority Rule is an unattested process where agreement is controlled by the largest class in the input. As a function from inputs to outputs, Majority Rule requires more computational expressivity than do attested phonological transformations. This paper examines how Majority Rule arises in parallel Optimality Theory and Harmonic Serialism. It is shown that in HS, Majority Rule relies on globally evaluated output constraints, which are known to produce computationally complex pathologies. However, without them, HS is unable to produce iterative harmony at all. We propose adopting directional constraint evaluation in HS as a way of modeling harmony while maintaining local representations.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116520373","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Computational Complexity and Sour-Grapes-Like Patterns","authors":"C. O’Hara, Caitlin Smith","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4502","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4502","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we claim that attested sour-grapes-like patterns of featural and tonal spreading differ meaningfully from what we call the 'true' sour grapes spreading pathology. We propose that the 'false' sour grapes processes attested in some tonal systems are computationally less complex than the unattested true sour grapes pathology, due to the presence of what we refer to as 'zones of predictability' local to potential triggers of spreading. In particular, the false sour grapes spreading patterns can be shown to fall into the class of weakly deterministic mappings, while the true sour grapes spreading pattern does not.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130600798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Gradient morphophonology: Evidence from Uyghur vowel harmony","authors":"Adam G. McCollum","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4565","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4565","url":null,"abstract":"For the Structuralists and early Generativists (e.g. Bloomfield 1933; Chomsky & Halle 1968), all grammatical knowledge was by definition discrete and categorical. Since phonetic patterns are gradient, early work argued that phonetics was extra-grammatical. However, a significant body of work has since shown that phonetic patterns are language-specific and must constitute part of a speaker’s knowledge about their language (e.g. Keating 1985). As a result, linguistic knowledge is not ontologically categorical. For other areas of the grammar, though, much work continues to assume that linguistic knowledge is categorical. In this paper, I investigate the categoricality of phonological patterns using acoustic vowel harmony data from Uyghur. By comparing subphonemic variation in Uyghur with attested patterns of phonetic reduction and interpolation, I demonstrate that gradience is not always derivable from phonetic forces. On these grounds I argue that vowel harmony, and by extension phonology, may be gradient. Furthermore, the claim that gradience plays a larger role in linguistic representations is also supported by a number of descriptive works, which suggest that gradient harmony may occur in a wide range of languages. Building on experimental, and typological evidence, I thus contend that gradience isn’t restricted to phonetics, but pervades both the phonological and phonetic modules of the grammar.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128088506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Restricting the Power of Cophonologies: A Representational Solution to Stem Allomorphy in Uspanteko","authors":"Björn Köhnlein, Yuhong Zhu","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4500","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V7I0.4500","url":null,"abstract":"In Uspanteko, a Mayan language spoken in Guatemala, certain possessive prefixes lead to variation in stress and pitch accent and can sometimes trigger vowel length alternations or consonant deletion in roots. We argue that this complex pattern of stem allomorphy can be successfully analyzed within a morpheme-based model of morphology given two assumptions: i. underlying representations can contain metrical templates (e.g. Saba Kirchner 2013, Iosad 2016, Köhnlein 2016, 2019 for recent proposals); ii. pitch-accent contrasts in Uspanteko are a surface exponent of a difference between trochaic (falling tone) and iambic feet (level tone), as proposed in Köhnlein (2019). We claim that our analysis is more restrictive than an earlier account by Bennett & Henderson (2013; henceforth B&H), who divide relevant items into several nominal cophonologies. In analyzing non-concatenative exponence as an epiphenomenon of metrical affixation, our approach is in line with principles of Generalized Non-Linear Affixation (e.g. Bermúdez-Otero 2012, Trommer & Zimmermann 2014).","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127812770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：
京公网安备 11010802042870号
