{"title":"Combining SPE and OT in descriptive language-oriented courses","authors":"E. Bonet, Clàudia Pons-Moll","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5162","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses a range of pedagogical strategies that can be used to introduce phonological theory in Catalan Philology BA degrees, which have an empirical and descriptive orientation. On the basis of voicing-related phenomena and vowel reduction processes in Catalan, we illustrate how fundamental concepts can be introduced and how an SPE-type rule-based approach and Optimality Theory can be incorporated in this type of descriptive courses. We also assess the advantages and drawbacks of SPE vs. OT-framed treatments. The fact that the whole grammar of a given language is taken into consideration represents a challenge for any theoretical model, and also for the instructor and students, because the analysis cannot be restricted to a limited set of data; rather, all data that characterize a grammatical system must be taken into account. However, this enterprise is possible if SPE and OT are combined in class, since the pedagogical disadvantages of one model can be counterbalanced by the advantages of the other, and vice versa.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126048886","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Learning phonetically and phonologically natural classes through constraint indexation","authors":"A. Nazarov","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5195","url":null,"abstract":"Phonological processes tend to be defined over natural classes (Chomsky & Halle 1968), but there are some arbitrary and language-specific aspects to class behaviour (e.g., Mielke 2004). This paper shows that it is possible to implement a procedure of finding language specific natural classes using contrast detection (Dresher 2014, Sanstedt 2018), but in standard OT with domain-general methods. Three toy languages are constructed, based on those in Prickett & Jarosz (2021), in which /e/ raises to [i] in the presence of a high vowel and in which /s/ palatalizes to [ʃ] before [i]. In one language, raising feeds palatalization (transparent); in the second, raising counterfeeds palatalization (opaque); in the third, raising applies transparently, but only in certain morphemes (lexically specific). All three languages are learned with a version of Round’s (2017) learner that learns indexed constraints (Pater 2000) that are attached to specific segments in morphemes rather than entire morphemes (cf. Nazarov 2021). This learner is able to find appropriate natural classes for these data, both phonetic natural classes (=traditional natural classes) and what I call phonologically natural classes (classes defined by having certain phonetic properties and undergoing a range of phonological processes), showing the feasibility of this approach.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"272 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132062982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Are neutral roots in Uyghur really neutral? Evaluating a covert phonemic contrast","authors":"Connor Mayer, Travis Major, Mahire Yakup","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5174","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5174","url":null,"abstract":"This paper looks at the case of so-called neutral roots in Uyghur (Turkic: China), whose idiosyncratic behavior with respect to the backness harmony system has been analyzed as stemming from a covert vowel contrast. Based on considerations of the structural properties of the language and the results of an experimental study, we suggest that an analysis based on lexical exceptionality is more parsimonious than the traditional analysis, unifying the treatment of neutral roots with other cases of exceptionality in the harmony system and accounting for a relationship between the patterning of roots and their frequency. We close by discussing implications for covert contrast analyses in general.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132163591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Lexical strata and phonotactic perplexity minimization","authors":"Eric Rosen","doi":"10.7275/RX52-T759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7275/RX52-T759","url":null,"abstract":"We present a model of gradient phonotactics that is shown to reduce overall phoneme uncertainty in a language when the phonotactic grammar is modularized in an unsupervised fashion to create more than one sub-grammar. Our model is a recurrent neural network language model (Elman 1990), which, when applied in two separate, randomly initialized modules to a corpus of Japanese words, learns lexical subdivisions that closely correlate with two of the main lexical strata for Japanese (Yamato and Sino-Japanese) proposed by Ito and Mester (1995). We find that the gradient phonotactics learned by the model, which are based on the entire prior context of a phoneme, reveal a continuum of gradient strata membership, similar to the gradient membership proposed by Hayes (2016) for the Native vs. Latinate stratification in English.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"C-36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126493320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Comparing Positional Licensing Patterns in HG and OT","authors":"Eric Bakovic, Anna Mai","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V9I0.4928","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V9I0.4928","url":null,"abstract":"Positional licensing refers to the observation that elements (e.g. particular feature values or feature value combinations) can be limited to specific positions (e.g. syllable onsets, initial syllables, stressed syllables, etc.). Positional licensing patterns have been analyzed using either positional markedness or positional faithfulness constraints in OT and HG. In this paper we demonstrate that the predictions of OT and HG diverge in deep but structured ways once there are more than two licensing positions. We propose an account for this structured divergence based on 3-position systems, and confirm the validity of that account with an analysis of 4-position systems. We also describe how conjoined constraints impact positional licensing patterns, and in doing so provide a counter-example to a claim made in our previous work (Mai & Baković 2020).","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132618074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Second-Position Clitics and Prosodic Recursion","authors":"Daniel Brodkin","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V9I0.4915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V9I0.4915","url":null,"abstract":"Recent work suggests that prosodic structure has the capacity to retain significant information about recursive syntactic constituency. This paper presents a novel argument for this view from the domain of second-position clitic linearization. In Mandar (Austronesian, Indonesia), many second-positon elements are linearized in domains which correspond to functional projections along the clausal spine (TP, vP). The process which positions these clitics is irreducibly postsyntactic in nature. This observation suggests that TP, vP, and other 'functional' phrases must remain constituents at a prosodic level of representation. This conclusion provides further evidence for the view that under ideal circumstances, syntactic phrases map to prosodic equivalents in a one-to-one fashion.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115108198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Tone Sandhi Domain is not a Foot in Standard Mandarin: Evidence from the Perceptual Side","authors":"Naiyan Du","doi":"10.3765/AMP.V9I0.4888","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/AMP.V9I0.4888","url":null,"abstract":"There is a long debate on whether or not the tone sandhi domain in Standard Mandarin should be treated as a metrical foot. According to the hypothesis that the tone sandhi domain is the metrical foot (Duanmu, 2007), a tone sandhi pattern can be used to infer the position of stress. However, this study shows that, despite changing the domain over which tone sandhi occurs, stress pattern remains unchanged perceptually for native speakers of Standard Mandarin. This finding conforms to the results of previous production experiments that show that the stress position remains consistent for utterances with different morpho-syntactic structures (Jia, 2011; Lai et al., 2010). Therefore, the tone sandhi domain is non-isomorphic with the stress domain in Standard Mandarin.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129775910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Prosody and EPP in Swahili","authors":"Soo-hwan Lee","doi":"10.3765/amp.v8i0.4658","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v8i0.4658","url":null,"abstract":"The precise motivation for affixation has not been entirely settled. Noyer (1992) and Hankamer & Mikkelsen (2018) argue that the identity of an affix is recognized in syntax-free contexts or in postsyntactic environments. On the other hand, Richards (2010, 2016) proposes a way of identifying affixes by looking into their metrical dependencies initially detected in narrow syntax. Here, I argue alongside Richards (2016) that these suprasegmental features are visible in syntax and that they trigger XP-movements (see also Branan 2018). According to Contiguity Theory (Richards 2016), overt movements triggered by syntactic features such as [uwh] and Extended Projection Principle (EPP) in the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1993, 1995) are reanalyzed as operations sensitive to the interaction between syntax and prosody. To be more specific, narrow syntax looks at certain phonological information that works in favor of the initial shape of prosody. This suggests that syntactic movement is sensitive to prosodic contiguity prior to spell-out. Richards (2016) discusses some key motivations for movement. They include Probe-Goal Contiguity, Affix Support, and Untethering. Adopting some of the basic assumptions proposed in Match Theory (Selkirk 2009, 2011), Contiguity Theory looks into phonological motivations for wh-movement and EPP. In this paper, I argue that Swahili demands additional explanation as to how prosodic requirements are satisfied. In detail, I present an analysis accounting for the wh-in-situ phenomenon as well as the presence of EPP in Swahili. With regards to the presence of EPP, I propose that Swahili tense affixes require metrical boundaries on both left and right of their peripheries. The metrical boundary on the right is satisfied by the phonological content inside vP. The metrical boundary on its left is satisfied by an XP targeting [Spec,TP] which gives rise to the desired EPP-effect.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129570294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Editors' Note","authors":"Hyunah Baek, C. Takahashi, Alex Hong-lun Yeung","doi":"10.3765/amp.v8i0.4770","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v8i0.4770","url":null,"abstract":"This document summarizes the conference and proceedings volumes.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123308507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Coarticulation with alveopalatal sibilants in Mandarin and Polish: Phonetics or phonology?","authors":"Ivy Hauser","doi":"10.3765/amp.v8i0.4688","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v8i0.4688","url":null,"abstract":"Previous work has shown that vowels following alveopalatal sibilants typically exhibit raised second formant (F2) values, typically attributed to coarticulatory vowel fronting (e.g. Stevens, 2004 in Mandarin; Bukmaier & Harrington, 2016 in Polish). This paper re-examines the palatalizing coarticulatory effects of the alveopalatal sibilant in Mandarin and Polish. While previous studies have focused on differences in F2 transitions or values at vowel onset, I find that the raised F2 values following alveopalatal sibilants frequently persist through the entire duration of following vowels in Mandarin. This raises the question of whether this is a phonetic coarticulation effect or a phonological assimilation effect. I review diagnostics for such a distinction and provide evidence from speech rate which suggests that the raised F2 effect should be analyzed as phonological assimilation in Mandarin, but phonetic coarticulation in Polish. These results have implications for phonological representations and perception in both languages.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"116 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124306870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}