Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem最新文献

{"title":"O grabieży mienia w Kraju Warty — uwagi w związku z monografią Bogumiła Rudawskiego","authors":"K. Graczyk","doi":"10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.11","url":null,"abstract":"W 2018 roku nakładem Instytutu Zachodniego w Poznaniu ukazała się monografia autorstwa Bogumiła Rudawskiego pt. Grabież mienia w Kraju Warty 1939–1945. Działalność Urzędu Powierniczego w Poznaniu1. Podstawą pracy jest rozprawa doktorska pt. Rola poznańskiej ekspozytury Głównego Urzędu Powierniczego Wschód w grabieży polskiego mienia dokonanej w Kraju Warty w latach 1939–1944 obroniona w 2016 roku na Uniwersytecie im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. Promotorem rozprawy była prof. Bożena Górczyńska-Przybyłowicz (Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu), natomiast recenzentami prof. Maria Rutowska (Instytut Zachodni w Poznaniu) oraz prof. Ryszard Kaczmarek (Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach). Autor monografii przeprowadził badania w archiwach niemieckich i polskich. Kwerenda niemiecka objęła zespoły przechowywane w Archiwum Federalnym w Berlinie. Na kwerendę krajową złożyły się wizyty w Archiwum II Wojny Światowej Instytut Zachodniego w Poznaniu, Archiwum Akt Nowych w Warszawie, Archiwum Państwowym w Gdańsku, Archiwum Państwowym w Lesznie, a także Oddziałowym Archiwum Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej w Poznaniu. Największa kwerenda dotyczyła jednak naturalnie Archiwum Państwowego w Poznaniu, w którym podstawowa była spuścizna tytułowego organu, czyli Urzędu Powierniczego w Poznaniu. O zakresie zadania badawczego mogą świadczyć liczby: zespół ten liczy ponad 14 tys. jednostek archiwalnych, które liczą prawie 100 metrów bieżących akt. Bogumił Rudawski, w konfrontacji z wielkością tego","PeriodicalId":173985,"journal":{"name":"Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131254043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Konserwatywny autorytaryzm przeciwko faszyzmowi, narodowemu socjalizmowi i komunizmowi. Przypadek Engelberta Dollfußa","authors":"M. Kopczyński, Tomasz Tulejski","doi":"10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.4","url":null,"abstract":"Engelbert Dollfuß is commonly considered to be a representative of Austrofascism, and therefore is presented as akin to Hitler and Mussolini. In this article, the authors rebut this erroneous and harmful opinion. The analysis of the political thought and activity of the Austrian chancellor through his leading idea — the relationship between nation and state, and the corporate socioeconomic system — proves that his position differed fundamentally from the Nazi and fascist models. The authors argue that Dollfuß’s doctrine was rooted in Catholic social teachings and a Christian worldview. The chancellor’s anti-democratic actions were justified by the threat posed to Austria by the Third Reich.","PeriodicalId":173985,"journal":{"name":"Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116196728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Problemy kryminalizacji szerzenia oraz gloryfikowania totalitaryzmu (art. 256 k.k.). Część I","authors":"P. Góralski","doi":"10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.10","url":null,"abstract":"Part I of the article discusses legal and criminal issues connected with Art. 256 of the Penal Code, concerning mainly the crime of propagating totalitarian regimes — be it Nazi, fascist, or communist. The beginning of the presented text presents statistics of these types of illegal actions committed in Poland in the years 1999–2020, as well as the most frequently identified forms of aggravated offences under this article and the typology (classification) of the perpetrators. The actual extent of propagating and glorifying totalitarianism in Poland is exposed and then confronted with the applicable legal status based on the provisions of Art. 256 of the Penal Code. The article makes statements and compares two divergent ways of interpreting the terms included under the discussed law, i.e. “praise,” “propagate,” “totalitarian ideology,” and “totalitarian regime.” The considerations presented in the article are based on literature related to criminal law and political and law doctrines, as well as on the judicial decisions in the cases regarding acts referred to in Art. 256, § 1–2 of the Penal Code.","PeriodicalId":173985,"journal":{"name":"Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem","volume":"107 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129116286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Państewko Gabriele d’Annunzio — ustrój Włoskiej Regencji Carnaro","authors":"M. Rakowski","doi":"10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.1","url":null,"abstract":"The subject of the study is the constitutional regime of the independent city of Fiume during the authoritarian rule of Gabriele D’Annunzio (September 1919 — December 1920). His power was based not on legal norms, but on the will of the commander known as the prophet (vate) or the leader (duce), supported by the strength of his army. Nevertheless, in September 1920, D’Annunzio proclaimed the Charter of Kvarner — the constitution of the small state, which never came into force. The author analyzes its provisions using the formal-dogmatic approach, pointing to the modernity and originality of its regulations: gender equality, guarantees of social rights, protection of work, secularity of education, society divided into corporations, elements of direct democracy, division of powers between legislative chambers, and a lack of the head of state. Constitutional institutions are presented with consideration of the history of Fiume, studied by the historical approach. \u0000The author concludes that D’Annunzio did not belong to the fascist movement, but was rather a rival of Mussolini, with a different vision of the state and methods of rule. His Charter of Kvarner can therefore be seen as a concept for the new Italy. At the same time, the commandant was a forerunner of the methods of communicating with society which were later used by the leaders of totalitarian states.","PeriodicalId":173985,"journal":{"name":"Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124005095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Wykorzystanie Państwowego Funduszu Ziemi jako instrumentu legitymizacji władzy komunistycznej oraz środka legalizacji rewolucji społecznej","authors":"Przemysław Czernicki","doi":"10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.5","url":null,"abstract":"After the Red Army entered Poland in the summer of 1944, and the installation of a new system of power began, the communists were faced with a general social disapproval of the transformations they proposed. This was especially true of the peasants, who constituted the vast majority of Poland’s inhabitants at that time. They were afraid of introducing general collectivization of land and their forceful inclusion in the agricultural production cooperatives under strict state supervision. Meanwhile, gaining the support of at least some of the peasants seemed to remain an indispensable element in the takeover of power by the communists, who always presented themselves as representatives of the interests of economically disadvantaged social classes. An equally important intention of the authorities was to eliminate all influence of the gentry in the countryside because of their hostility to the new political order. \u0000The purpose of this article is to present the principal aspects concerning the use of the State Land Fund as an instrument for the justification of the communist government’s approach, as well as for legitimizing the social revolution in post-war Poland. Attempts were made to indicate the use of this institution to make profound transformations regarding the model of property relations in Polish agriculture, previously shaped over centuries. It was also pointed out that the above-mentioned approach was aimed at simultaneously destroying the landed gentry as an elite social class and winning the support for the communists from the peasants, who were given the land taken from the landowners. Thus, in the political reality of the time, the State Land Fund became one of the most important (and at the same time often underrated) instruments in constructing the system of totalitarian power in post-war Poland. The primary goal of the article is to show how the instrumental treatment of the legal solutions regulating the functioning of the fund was used in practice by the communist authorities acting on the Kremlin’s behalf. It seems that in the literature on the subject, there are still deficits in the search for the bases of legitimization imposed in Poland by external political and military factors of the communist government. \u0000The most important conclusions from this analysis include the negative economic effects in terms of perpetuating the defects of the agricultural system and the inability to deal with the indicated legacy of the totalitarian system within the contemporary political and socio-economic reality.","PeriodicalId":173985,"journal":{"name":"Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132789117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Kryzys gospodarczy, faszyzm i „warstwy pośrednie”. Reakcje polskich socjalistów na zwycięstwo nazizmu w Niemczech","authors":"Kamil Piskała","doi":"10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.2","url":null,"abstract":"The decline of the democratic Weimar Republic and NSDAP’s rise to power in 1933 caused a huge political uproar, especially among European socialists and social democrats. For many decades German SPD was a role-model for other socialist parties. The German working class was also perceived as the best organized and the most politically educated in all of Europe. Therefore, as Gerd-Reiner Horn noticed in his path-breaking study, the period of about 40 months after the creation of Hitler’s cabinet was a time of extremely intensive (and perhaps most passionate in the interwar period) discussion on strategy and political practice of the European socialist movement. In the following article, the Polish part of this debate is presented in detail. I examine official resolutions and ideological statements of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), polemic pamphlets, the wide range of comments and political analyses published in socialist press, police reports, etc., in order to address three main issues: 1. in what way the Nazi Party’s rise to power catalyzed the process of radicalization among Polish socialists; 2. what the connection is between socialists’ opinion on the social basis of the German fascist movement and the evolution of their political strategy; 3. to what extent their diagnoses regarding the social basis of fascist movements in general determined their views on the possible evolution of the Nazi regime. I argue that the tragedy of SPD made Polish socialists more sensitive to the role of emotions in political mobilization and urged them to reevaluate some of their previous propaganda techniques. According to the majority of acclaimed socialist intellectuals, fascism was objectively a procapitalist movement, the social basis of which was composed of pauperized and disorientated “middle strata” (e.g. shopkeepers, clerks, artisans, peasants, unemployed youth, etc.). In orthodox Marxism these groups were perceived as declining and deprived of genuine historical agency. But the Nazi rise to power showed that they have immense political potential and their support may be decisive for the result of the clash between socialism and fascism. Thus, the question of how to mobilize the majority of the “middle strata” in favor of socialism became a crucial part of debates among Polish socialists in the mid-1930s. As I argue, different answers for this crucial question determined profound tactical differences and contributed to harsh arguments on PPS’s politics.","PeriodicalId":173985,"journal":{"name":"Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129507014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Niedoszłe polsko-niemieckie „Gesamtlösung” w roku 1939 a sprawa żydowska","authors":"Marek Kornat","doi":"10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.3","url":null,"abstract":"From October 1938 to March 1939, the German Nazi government was trying to achieve a “general solution” (Gesamtlösung) in the relations with Poland. Hitler wanted not only the incorporation of Gdańsk (Danzig) and extraterritorial connection to Eastern Prussia, but also to have Poland as a satellite state. The demands were not accepted by the Foreign Minister of Poland col. Beck. Many exhaustive studies on Polish-German relations were published in the last phase of peace (1938–1939), but there was no work on the role of the so called “Jewish problem” in the Nazi plans concerning Poland. The author of the article tries to prove that this question was an integral element of German negotiation strategy with Warsaw. There is no doubt that the Nazi government wanted to impose principally anti-Jewish collaboration on Poland. Fortunately, the project was rejected by the Polish government.","PeriodicalId":173985,"journal":{"name":"Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133592052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Kryminalizacja finansowania terroryzmu w świetle przepisu art. 165a kodeksu karnego. Część 1","authors":"Piotr Ochman","doi":"10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.33","url":null,"abstract":"Progressing globalization, ease of movement and the pace of information flow undoubtedly have intensified the threat of an important social problem — terrorism. An key instrument of combating terrorist activity is counteracting its financing. This article will analyze the crime of financing terrorism, which has been typified in Art. 165a of the Polish Criminal Code. An attempt will be made to answer the question of whether the legislative measures taken in the above-mentioned scope are purposeful, necessary and justified. The genesis of the current legal regulations in the field of counteracting the financing of terrorism in the Polish penal code will be also presented.","PeriodicalId":173985,"journal":{"name":"Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125255063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Zapobieganie przestępczości i sprawiedliwość karna z perspektywy Kongresów Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych","authors":"Emil W. Pływaczewski","doi":"10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.41","url":null,"abstract":"For over 65 years, the United Nations has held congresses aimed at strengthening international cooperation against expanding crime. The First Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders took place in Geneva in 1955. Sixty-six years later, in 2021, this tradition continued, postponed by the Covid-19 epidemic, as the Fourteenth United Nations Congress on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice took place in the former capital of Japan — Kyoto. The aim of the paper is to present the most important achievements of all 14 congresses, especially focusing on the development of UN standards and norms in crime prevention and criminal justice. The author also presents the history of the participation and activities of Polish participants of the Congresses (official delegates and individual experts) in the years 1960–2021. The general conclusion is that the institution of the UN Crime Congresses is a major high-level forum to steer the development of the rule of law, to promote global security and good governance, and to improve the response to crime.","PeriodicalId":173985,"journal":{"name":"Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem","volume":"133 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133549070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Skutki ideologizacji preambuły kodeksu pracy","authors":"P. Kapusta","doi":"10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.8","url":null,"abstract":"The post-totalitarian authoritarianism of the Polish People’s Republic of 1956–1989 was based on, among others, indoctrination. It was carried out not only through the media and the education system. The law also served this purpose. The adoption of the Labour Code provided the basis for using the educational function of the preamble to shape and consolidate politically desirable patterns of behaviour in socialist labour relations. The content of the Preamble to the Labour Code not only reflected the goals set by the legislator of the adopted legal regulation, but, being saturated with ideological issues, it set the directions for adopting and applying labour law provisions and defined the desired behaviour patterns. Due to the content of individual editorial units, the Preamble to the Labour Code was not only of legal importance, but also some parts of it were normative.","PeriodicalId":173985,"journal":{"name":"Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114465162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}