Kryzys gospodarczy, faszyzm i „warstwy pośrednie”. Reakcje polskich socjalistów na zwycięstwo nazizmu w Niemczech

Kamil Piskała
{"title":"Kryzys gospodarczy, faszyzm i „warstwy pośrednie”. Reakcje polskich socjalistów na zwycięstwo nazizmu w Niemczech","authors":"Kamil Piskała","doi":"10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.2","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The decline of the democratic Weimar Republic and NSDAP’s rise to power in 1933 caused a huge political uproar, especially among European socialists and social democrats. For many decades German SPD was a role-model for other socialist parties. The German working class was also perceived as the best organized and the most politically educated in all of Europe. Therefore, as Gerd-Reiner Horn noticed in his path-breaking study, the period of about 40 months after the creation of Hitler’s cabinet was a time of extremely intensive (and perhaps most passionate in the interwar period) discussion on strategy and political practice of the European socialist movement. In the following article, the Polish part of this debate is presented in detail. I examine official resolutions and ideological statements of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), polemic pamphlets, the wide range of comments and political analyses published in socialist press, police reports, etc., in order to address three main issues: 1. in what way the Nazi Party’s rise to power catalyzed the process of radicalization among Polish socialists; 2. what the connection is between socialists’ opinion on the social basis of the German fascist movement and the evolution of their political strategy; 3. to what extent their diagnoses regarding the social basis of fascist movements in general determined their views on the possible evolution of the Nazi regime. I argue that the tragedy of SPD made Polish socialists more sensitive to the role of emotions in political mobilization and urged them to reevaluate some of their previous propaganda techniques. According to the majority of acclaimed socialist intellectuals, fascism was objectively a procapitalist movement, the social basis of which was composed of pauperized and disorientated “middle strata” (e.g. shopkeepers, clerks, artisans, peasants, unemployed youth, etc.). In orthodox Marxism these groups were perceived as declining and deprived of genuine historical agency. But the Nazi rise to power showed that they have immense political potential and their support may be decisive for the result of the clash between socialism and fascism. Thus, the question of how to mobilize the majority of the “middle strata” in favor of socialism became a crucial part of debates among Polish socialists in the mid-1930s. As I argue, different answers for this crucial question determined profound tactical differences and contributed to harsh arguments on PPS’s politics.","PeriodicalId":173985,"journal":{"name":"Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2022-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.44.1.2","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

The decline of the democratic Weimar Republic and NSDAP’s rise to power in 1933 caused a huge political uproar, especially among European socialists and social democrats. For many decades German SPD was a role-model for other socialist parties. The German working class was also perceived as the best organized and the most politically educated in all of Europe. Therefore, as Gerd-Reiner Horn noticed in his path-breaking study, the period of about 40 months after the creation of Hitler’s cabinet was a time of extremely intensive (and perhaps most passionate in the interwar period) discussion on strategy and political practice of the European socialist movement. In the following article, the Polish part of this debate is presented in detail. I examine official resolutions and ideological statements of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), polemic pamphlets, the wide range of comments and political analyses published in socialist press, police reports, etc., in order to address three main issues: 1. in what way the Nazi Party’s rise to power catalyzed the process of radicalization among Polish socialists; 2. what the connection is between socialists’ opinion on the social basis of the German fascist movement and the evolution of their political strategy; 3. to what extent their diagnoses regarding the social basis of fascist movements in general determined their views on the possible evolution of the Nazi regime. I argue that the tragedy of SPD made Polish socialists more sensitive to the role of emotions in political mobilization and urged them to reevaluate some of their previous propaganda techniques. According to the majority of acclaimed socialist intellectuals, fascism was objectively a procapitalist movement, the social basis of which was composed of pauperized and disorientated “middle strata” (e.g. shopkeepers, clerks, artisans, peasants, unemployed youth, etc.). In orthodox Marxism these groups were perceived as declining and deprived of genuine historical agency. But the Nazi rise to power showed that they have immense political potential and their support may be decisive for the result of the clash between socialism and fascism. Thus, the question of how to mobilize the majority of the “middle strata” in favor of socialism became a crucial part of debates among Polish socialists in the mid-1930s. As I argue, different answers for this crucial question determined profound tactical differences and contributed to harsh arguments on PPS’s politics.
民主的魏玛共和国的衰落和纳粹党在1933年的上台引起了巨大的政治骚动,特别是在欧洲的社会主义者和社会民主主义者中。几十年来,德国社民党一直是其他社会主义政党的榜样。德国工人阶级也被认为是全欧洲组织最好、政治教育程度最高的。因此,正如Gerd-Reiner Horn在他开创性的研究中所注意到的那样,希特勒内阁成立后大约40个月的时间里,人们对欧洲社会主义运动的战略和政治实践进行了极其密集的讨论(也许是两次世界大战期间最激烈的讨论)。在下面的文章中,详细介绍了这场辩论的波兰部分。我研究了波兰社会党(PPS)的官方决议和意识形态声明、论战性小册子、社会主义报刊上发表的广泛评论和政治分析、警察报告等,以解决三个主要问题:1。纳粹党上台后以何种方式催化了波兰社会主义者的激进化进程;2. 社会主义者对德国法西斯运动的社会基础的看法与其政治策略的演变之间有什么联系;3.。他们对法西斯运动的社会基础的诊断在多大程度上决定了他们对纳粹政权可能演变的看法。我认为,社民党的悲剧使波兰社会主义者对情感在政治动员中的作用更加敏感,并敦促他们重新评估他们以前的一些宣传技巧。根据大多数著名的社会主义知识分子的说法,法西斯主义客观上是一场前资本主义运动,其社会基础是由贫困和迷失方向的“中产阶层”(例如店主、店员、工匠、农民、失业青年等)组成的。在正统马克思主义中,这些群体被认为是衰落的,被剥夺了真正的历史能动性。但纳粹的崛起表明他们有巨大的政治潜力,他们的支持可能是社会主义和法西斯主义冲突的决定性结果。因此,如何动员大多数“中产阶层”支持社会主义的问题成为20世纪30年代中期波兰社会主义者辩论的关键部分。正如我所说,对这个关键问题的不同回答决定了深刻的策略差异,并导致了对PPS政治的激烈争论。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:604180095
Book学术官方微信