Transactions of The American Philosophical Society最新文献

{"title":"Rites of Passage","authors":"Fedwa Malti-Douglas","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv171d1.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv171d1.10","url":null,"abstract":"When we returned to California in 1975, we both continued working on our dissertations, mine on Medieval Arabic literature and Allen's on modern French history. One day, I had a meeting with a member of my dissertation committee, with whom I had studied comparative literature. He was extremely knowledgeable about all the new developments in literary theory (including the French structuralists). I was excited by these developments and was grateful to Ross Shideler for being such a generous mentor.But my meeting with Ross was not all positive. He revealed to me that he had recently had a chat with my dissertation advisor, Prof. Bonebakker. Bonebakker confessed to Ross that he did not understand what I was doing in my dissertation. Ross reassured him that my work was on the cutting edge of the field, that what I was writing made complete sense to him, and that Bonebakker should not worry about it.While I was writing my dissertation, Bonebakker insisted that he had to read what I was writing immediately. At the time, I was writing in notebooks that I would type later. He insisted on having the notebooks full of my handwriting. Personally, I found this a bit obsessive, but I complied with his wishes. He had trouble reading my handwriting and, after reading two or three notebooks, gave up and said he would wait to read the typed text.Meeting with Bonebakker in his office, up a set of steep stairs, was always troublesome. At times, as I was leaving those meetings, I would feel anxious and lose my balance on the stairs. I never actually fell, but I could feel the tension in my body.I began applying for jobs. Nothing. I was getting nowhere. I spoke to a friend, who was completing her dissertation in American history. Our friend laughed and asked me if I had seen what was in my employment dossier. Of course not, I told her; that was confidential. She laughed and told me I was a fool. Graduate students looking for a job, she was quick to reveal, had their dossier sent to a friend and could then see what kinds of letters lurked inside. She offered me her address, so I could have my dossier sent to her. I hesitated. What if the office where these materials were kept realized that I had requested that my dossier be sent to a local address? Allen encouraged me to do what our friend suggested, which I did.When the dossier arrived in our friend's mailbox, she handed it right over to me. I was extremely nervous, and as soon as we got home, I asked Allen to open it and read the letters. Suddenly, I could tell by the look on his face that he was reading a poison-pen letter. As 1 suspected, Bonebakker had written a negative letter that was blocking me everywhere. Fortunately, I had taken to going to professional meetings where I had met some highly placed scholars. Three scholars, none of whom served on my doctoral committee, became my mentors and recommenders: Muhsin Mahdi, the Jewett professor of Arabic at Harvard, who held the most important Arabic chair in the co","PeriodicalId":147940,"journal":{"name":"Transactions of The American Philosophical Society","volume":"84 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129866874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Preface and Dedication","authors":"Paul Beaulieu, E. Frahm, W. Horowitz, J. Steele","doi":"10.1201/9781420037548.fmatt","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1201/9781420037548.fmatt","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":147940,"journal":{"name":"Transactions of The American Philosophical Society","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132750218","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Hebrew medical astrology: david ben yom tov, kelal qaṭan: original hebrew text, medieval latin translation, modern english translation","authors":"G. Bos, C. Burnett, T. Langermann","doi":"10.2307/20020391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/20020391","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":147940,"journal":{"name":"Transactions of The American Philosophical Society","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133864109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Indian and Pseudo-Indian Passages in Greek and Latin Astronomical and Astrological Texts","authors":"D. Pingree","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.301588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.301588","url":null,"abstract":"(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)ContentsI. IntroductionII. Kalyana (parapegma)III. Curtius Rufus (new moon months; paksas)IV. Philostratus (planetary weekdays)V. lAbd al-Bari'VI. Sasanians (naksatras; planetary chords; decans; Zik i Shahriyaran).VII. Severus Sebokht (lunar nodes)VIII. Theophilus of Edessa (military astrology; zodiacal topothesia)IX. Mâshâ'allâh (\"Era of the Flood\"; planetary chords; cosmic magnet; navams'as)X. Zij al-Sindhind (Kalpa; Caturyuga; mean motions; year-length; sidereal zodiac; trepidation; longitudes of apogees and nodes; ahargarca; mean longitudes of planets; longitudinal difference; accumulated epact; trigonometric functions; equation of center; obliquity of ecliptic and method of declinations; equation of anomaly; combined effect of equations; time to first or second station; ascensional difference; terrestrial latitude; gnomon-shadows; lunar latitude; apparent diameters of sun, moon, and earth's shadow; eclipse-limit; totality of eclipse; duration of eclipse and of totality; color of eclipse; longitudinal parallax; latitudinal parallax; latitudes of planets; value of rr)XI. R$i (interrogations)XII. Bhuridasa and Buzuijmihr (Jovian dodecaeteris; theft)XIII. Abu Ma'shar (nativity of Ceylonese prince; childbirth; ketu; lunar nodes; terms; decans; revolution of years of nativities; place of sun in nativity; astrological places; fulfillment of interrogations)XIV. Ja'far al-Hindl (order of orbits of planets and fixed stars; benefic and malefic planets; quarters of a month; naksatras)XV. Al-QabTsI (karanas)XVI. Simeon Seth (precession; star-catalog)XVII. Vaticanus graecus 1056 (interrogations)XVIII. Parisinus graecus 2506 (lordships of months of pregnancy)XIX. Picatrix (names of planets)XX. Shams al-Din al-Bukhâri (year-beginning; adhimasas; Sin ri; s'ankutala and bâhu)XXI. ConclusionsI. IntroductionAstronomy and astrology in India1 are not indigenous sciences, but are local adaptations and developments of Mesopotamian,2 Greco-Babylonian,3 and Greek 4 texts; and, at an early stage of their developments, parts of the Indian traditions had influenced Sasanian5 and Syriac science before the rise of Islam. There existed, therefore, a more or less common understanding of astronomy and astrology in those regions of the world where Latin, Greek, Syriac, Pahlavi, and Sanskrit were used, though each culture had its particular idiosyncrasies and its special areas of sophistication. Islam was the heir to all of these traditions,6 which it was able to synthesize precisely because of their common features. The object of this paper is to attempt to isolate as many as possible of those elements of the Islamic adaptations of Indian astronomy and astrology that were included in the massive influx of translations of Arabic science into Byzantine Greek and into Latin, as well as in the subsequent translations of this material from Greek into Latin and from Latin into Greek; 1 omit th","PeriodicalId":147940,"journal":{"name":"Transactions of The American Philosophical Society","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130432392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Gregory Chioniades and Palaeologan Astronomy","authors":"D. Pingree","doi":"10.2307/1291210","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1291210","url":null,"abstract":"(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)FOR almost seven centuries following the publication of the commentary on the Handy Tables of Theon by Stephanus of Alexandria1 little interest was shown in mathematical astronomy in Byzantium. It is tme that, in the ninth century, under the leadership of Leo the Mathematician,3 the text of Ptolemy's Almagest was studied and copied,3 and that scholars in the eleventh and twelfth centuries had learned something of Arabic science. But it seems improbable that many, save perhaps the astrologers, had the motivation or the training necessary for an attempt to understand more than the most elementary principles of the motions of the celestial spheres; and even the astrologers really needed nothing beyond an ability to manipulate tables.This neglect continued into the thirteenth century, both at Nicaea and in Constantinople after it had been recovered from the Latins. But the beginnings of a revival of astronomical studies can be traced to the early decades of this century when a few scholars sought to sustain Greek learning under the patronage of John III Vatatzes (1222-1254) and Theodore II Lascaris (1254-1258).Nicephorus Blemmydes,4 who taught at the Imperial court from 1238 to 1248 and whose pupils included George Acropolites,5 reawakened an interest in ancient Greek science which had been virtually dead since the time of Michael Psellos8 in the eleventh century. His Epitome physica7 is a completely unoriginal book, and its treatment of astronomy (chapters 25-30) is pitifully inadequate. He has very little that is sensible to say about planetary theory ; but he does demonstrate that he has read Aristotle, Cleomedes, and Euclid with some comprehension, and he observed at least one lunar eclipse, that of 18 May 1258.8An account9 of an observation of a solar eclipse by his pupil George Acropolites in the company of the Imperial court on 3 June 1239 reveals the intellectual atmosphere in which Nicephorus was working. The Empress Irene asked Acropolites, then only twenty-one years old, what had caused this phenomenon. He, though he had just begun his studies under Blemmydes, was able to reply correctly that the Moon was interposed between the Earth and the Sun. The court physician, Nicolaus, scoffed at this ridiculous response, and the Empress, trusting her doctor, called Acropolites a fool. She quickly regretted her use of this derogatory term, not because she realized the correctness of Acropolites' explanation, but because she considered it improper to insult one engaged in philosophical studies. Two years later the Empress died; the philosopher seriously suggests that the eclipse was a portent of that unfortunate event, as was also the appearance of a bearded comet. It was Acropolites who, after the capture of Constantinople by Michael VIII Palaeologus in 1261, restored mathematics to the capital; he taught Euclid and Nicomachus to George (later Gregory) of Cypr","PeriodicalId":147940,"journal":{"name":"Transactions of The American Philosophical Society","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121102323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Greek Influence on Early Islamic Mathematical Astronomy","authors":"D. Pingree","doi":"10.2307/600515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/600515","url":null,"abstract":"Some concepts of Greek mathematical astronomy reached Islam in the eighth century through translations and adaptations of Sanskrit and Pahiavi texts. These represented largely non-Ptolemaic ideas and methods which had been altered in one way or another in accordance with the traditions of India and Iran. When to this mingling of Greco-Indian and Greco-Iranian astronomy was added the more Ptolemaic Greco-Syrian in the late eighth and early ninth centuries, and the completely Ptolemaic Byzantine tradition during the course of the ninth, the attention of Islamic astronomers was turned to those areas where these several astronomical systems were in conflict. This led to the development in Islam of a mathematical astronomy that was essentially Ptolemaic, but in which new parameters were introduced and new solutions to problems in spherical trigonometry derived from India tended to replace those of the Almagest.THE PROBLEM OF THE INFLUENCE of Greek mathematical astronomy upon the Arabs (and in the following I have generally excluded from consideration the related problems of astronomical instruments and star-catalogues) is immensely complicated by the fact that the Hellenistic astronomical tradition had, together with Mesopotamian linear astronomy of the Achaemenld and Seleucld periods and its Greek adaptations, already Influenced Use other cultural traditions that contributed to the development of the science of astronomy within the area In which the Arabic language became the dominant means of scientific communication in and after the seventh century a.d. An Investigation of this probelm, then, must begin with a review of those centers of astronomical studies in the seventh and eighth centuries which can be demonstrated to have influenced astronomers who wrote in Arabic. This limitation by means of the criterion of demonstrable influence will effectively exclude Armenia, where Ananias of Shirak worked in the seventh century,1 and China, where older astronomical techniques,* some apparently derived ultimately from Mesopotamian sources,* were partially replaced by Indian adaptations of Greek and Greco-Babylonian techniques rendered into Chinese at the T'ang court in the early eighth century.4 But it leaves Byzantium, Syria, Sasanian Iran, and India.While astronomy had been studied at Athens by Proclus* and observations had been made by members of the Neoplatonic Academy In the fifth and early sixth centuries,* and while Ammonius, Eutoclus, Philoponus, and Simplicius had written about astronomical problems at Alexandria in the early sixth century,7 a hundred years later the tradition was transferred to Constantinople, where Stephanus of Alexandria-perhaps in imitation of the Sasanian Zlk-i Shahriyârân-prepared in 617/618 a set of instructions with examples illustrating the use of the Handy Tables of Theon for the Emperor Ileraclius.8 Such studies, however, were soon abandoned, not to be revived in Byzantium till the ninth century, when their restoration","PeriodicalId":147940,"journal":{"name":"Transactions of The American Philosophical Society","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122683483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Chapter 11: Discussion","authors":"M. Becker, Jonathan C. Lainey","doi":"10.3109/00016925609171402","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3109/00016925609171402","url":null,"abstract":"We are not the first observers to recognize that the WDS emerged as part of the Midwinter Feast at some point around 1800. Beauchamp (1885: 235; 1888: 198; 1895: 198; cf. Tooker 1970: 102-103) recognized the WDS as a recent addition to midwinter rituals. Perhaps Beauchamp's 1892 summary says it best:\"In its essential feature of sacrifice the white dog feast seems quite modem, but in point of time [season of the year] it corresponds with the old Dream Feast, taking its place and retaining some of its features.\"Beauchamp 1892: 85Boyle (1898), Waugh (1916: 133), and Lloyd (1922: 261-263) all agreed with Beauchamp. Waugh had spent time from 1912 to 1915 among the Iroquois of Ontario, Quebec and New York, when the WDS was ending, but he, as those before him, must have read enough of the literature to reach a similar conclusion. Waugh believed the sacrifice to be a survival of earlier dog feasts, whereas we might call it an evolutionary transformation.Lloyd (1922) listed the only eight references in which he could find any form of dog sacrifice anywhere in the Northeast that predated the period of Handsome Lake. Lloyd's listing includes a number of errors, but the overall pattern is the same. Dog sacrifice existed in forms that may be ancestral to what emerged after 1800. Several of these accounts also are mentioned in the Whipple Report (1889: 419, 425,448; see under New York [State] Assembly). All of them have been summarized or detailed in this volume.Reconstructing Origins: Why Two Dogs?The very first known or prototypic WDS was reported by Kirkland in 1800. He noted the killing or sacrifice by strangulation of pure white dogs. Cord strangulation, often specified, does not mar or damage the pelt or skin, nor stain it with blood. Kirkland indicates that three dogs were killed, only two of which were cremated. Reports of the sacrifice of two dogs are common in early accounts. Fenton's recognition (1944: 161) that the offering of two dogs reflected the gifts of the moieties to the Creator, reflecting the roles of moiety divisions in these feasts, has been noted only by Tooker (1970: 41) but not pursued by other scholars. We've pointed out that Kirkland's account in 1800 clearly specifies that two wampum bands worn by the sacrificed dog, hung up to rot, represented the moieties of the Oneida. The decline in traditional Iroquoian kinship, and a shift to patrilineal descent, appears correlated with a loss of functional duality in each of these cultures. The sacrifice of a single dog may be one of the most evident indications of the decline in the kinship system with which Lewis Morgan, fortunately, became so concerned. The evidence for moiety participation in the early WDS is strongest in Kirkland's account, where we are not placing undue emphasis on the significance of cooking of two dogs. The number sacrificed may be another element of the rite that was improvised by the elders or reflects peculiarities of the situation of any specific year.Two observa","PeriodicalId":147940,"journal":{"name":"Transactions of The American Philosophical Society","volume":"245 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132089483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Gear Trains","authors":"R. Hoppes","doi":"10.1201/b18877-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1201/b18877-3","url":null,"abstract":"THE relative POSITIONS, rotational rates, and tooth counts of the shafts and gears are given in the text that follows. Tooth counts on the movement have been obtained and verified by physical counts. Italicized items and tooth counts were calculated by the author, and though they are representative of the actual dial gearing, they have not been verified by physical counts. Rotational rates of dial indications are likewise based on the calculated counts, and aldiough I believe them to be correct, they may not be in complete conformance with those of the clock. A photo of the gearing located between the plates, as well as a line drawing of the gearing is illustrated in Figure 15. The line drawing illustrates the designations and locations of each gear listed in Tables 1 through 4. Table 1 describes the time train gearing located along the central portion of the movement, whereas Table 2 describes the music train gearing located along die right-hand portion of the movement. Table 3 describes the strike train gearing located along the movement's left portion. An analysis oi the number of hammer strikes required for the strike settings, Hourly and Quarterly, appear in Table 4. The analysis is performed twice. Once if the clock is assembled to strike the quarters as 0, 1, 2, 3 and as it strikes quarters today 1, 2, 3, 4. Because of modifications made over the years it is difficult to determine what the original intended sequence was. However, if the strike quarters are struck as 0, 1, 2, 3, the winding of both the strike and time trains can be performed together every 32 days. This fact is a strong indication that the clock originally did not strike four quarters after the hour strikes were completed. GEARING ON THE FRONT PLATE Figure 16 is a photograph of the gearing on the front plate of the movement. Figure 17 is a line drawing of the same gearing, which also shows the flow of power transmission among the gear trains. Motive power is supplied to die gearing on the front plate by die T2 shaft of the movement, which extends through the plate. The T2 shaft is shown as a solid dot in Figure 17. The connecting lines indicate the transmission of motive power along the gear trains. The diagram is repeated in Figure 18 without the labels, enabling it to be presented in a larger format. Figure 18 also identifies the location and position of each gear shown in Table 5. Gear Al on the T2 shaft drives A2, which in turn drives A3. The minute, hour, and calendar elements are separate coaxial mounted wheels. The shaded circle on the center shaft, A3, is the minute wheel and quarter-hour snail. A3 drives D2, which drives D3. The crosshatched portion of D3 is the hour wheel and hour snail. Teeth on the back of D3 drive A4. The clear outer portion is the calendar wheel, L4, driven by L3. The L3 gear consists of two gears, one slightly smaller in diameter than the other. The power transmission path is A4, A3, A6, L2, L3, L4. THE DIAL GEAR TRAINS Figure 19 is a photogr","PeriodicalId":147940,"journal":{"name":"Transactions of The American Philosophical Society","volume":"18 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129156711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Stationers' Company","authors":"T. Feist","doi":"10.1163/9789004337862_lgbo_com_191912","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004337862_lgbo_com_191912","url":null,"abstract":"The Worshipful Company of Stationers was the London guild of merchants and artisans associated with the printing trade. Its members included printers, bookbinders, type-founders, engravers, papermakers, and booksellers. It was unique among English guilds because while it performed the normal functions of a trade association by regulating trade practices, providing charity to impoverished members, and so forth, it also functioned as a commercial concern in its own right. The Company's legal, commercial, and political dominance of the printing industry made it a pervasive influence in early modern English literature.1 Membership and Hierarchy Readers should envision relationships between stationers in the physical context of Stationers' Hall, a complex of substantial brick buildings at the corner of Ave Maria Lane and Paternoster Row just north of St. Martin's of Ludgate Church in London. This acre of ground on Ludgate Hill contained two rows of houses let to tenants, as well as an imposing Hall set behind iron gates where the Company held its meetings and functions. The Hall was the epicenter of English publishing, \"a point of passage, rendezvous, and negotiation for all members of the book trade.\" Despite the absence of battlements and moats, Adrian Johns's characterization of the Hall as \"a castle\" seems particularly apt; with its secluded centrality, the Hall made an appropriate setting for the highly structured society of its denizens.2 One could acquire membership in the Company of Stationers by four different means-service, patrimony, redemption, or translation. As -with other London guilds, acquiring the freedom of the Company was synonymous with receiving the freedom of the City, and the customs of the City governed Company policy on apprenticeship and freedom. At the same time it should be noted that by the early eighteenth century, a tradesman could conduct business quite freely in London without joining any guild at all. Company membership offered certain advantages, but it had ceased to be a legal prerequisite for trade. Freedom by \"service\" meant that an individual completed an agreed period of indenture-as apprentice to a master member of the Company; by the 1700s, term length had been standardized at seven years. At the end of an indenture, a master presented his apprentice before the Company's ruling body, the Court, and the Court officially bestowed membership-or \"freedom\"-on the apprentice. \"Patrimony\" offered a shortcut to this process. Any member of the Company had the right to present his or her children for the Company's freedom without first indenting them. On both occasions, whether freeing someone by service or patrimony, the master (usually, although sometimes the apprentice's family) paid a 3s. 4d. fine to the Company.3 Stationers learning their trade abroad or through apprenticeship to a nonmember could enter the Company by \"redemption\" or \"purchase.\" Such would-be freemen paid negotiated fines averaging around £5. More","PeriodicalId":147940,"journal":{"name":"Transactions of The American Philosophical Society","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132737017","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Exploring the borderlands - Documents of the Committee on Common Problems of Genetics, Paleontology, and Systematics","authors":"J. Cain, Ernst Mayr","doi":"10.2307/20020359","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/20020359","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":147940,"journal":{"name":"Transactions of The American Philosophical Society","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121995482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}