Gregory Chioniades and Palaeologan Astronomy

D. Pingree
{"title":"Gregory Chioniades and Palaeologan Astronomy","authors":"D. Pingree","doi":"10.2307/1291210","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)FOR almost seven centuries following the publication of the commentary on the Handy Tables of Theon by Stephanus of Alexandria1 little interest was shown in mathematical astronomy in Byzantium. It is tme that, in the ninth century, under the leadership of Leo the Mathematician,3 the text of Ptolemy's Almagest was studied and copied,3 and that scholars in the eleventh and twelfth centuries had learned something of Arabic science. But it seems improbable that many, save perhaps the astrologers, had the motivation or the training necessary for an attempt to understand more than the most elementary principles of the motions of the celestial spheres; and even the astrologers really needed nothing beyond an ability to manipulate tables.This neglect continued into the thirteenth century, both at Nicaea and in Constantinople after it had been recovered from the Latins. But the beginnings of a revival of astronomical studies can be traced to the early decades of this century when a few scholars sought to sustain Greek learning under the patronage of John III Vatatzes (1222-1254) and Theodore II Lascaris (1254-1258).Nicephorus Blemmydes,4 who taught at the Imperial court from 1238 to 1248 and whose pupils included George Acropolites,5 reawakened an interest in ancient Greek science which had been virtually dead since the time of Michael Psellos8 in the eleventh century. His Epitome physica7 is a completely unoriginal book, and its treatment of astronomy (chapters 25-30) is pitifully inadequate. He has very little that is sensible to say about planetary theory ; but he does demonstrate that he has read Aristotle, Cleomedes, and Euclid with some comprehension, and he observed at least one lunar eclipse, that of 18 May 1258.8An account9 of an observation of a solar eclipse by his pupil George Acropolites in the company of the Imperial court on 3 June 1239 reveals the intellectual atmosphere in which Nicephorus was working. The Empress Irene asked Acropolites, then only twenty-one years old, what had caused this phenomenon. He, though he had just begun his studies under Blemmydes, was able to reply correctly that the Moon was interposed between the Earth and the Sun. The court physician, Nicolaus, scoffed at this ridiculous response, and the Empress, trusting her doctor, called Acropolites a fool. She quickly regretted her use of this derogatory term, not because she realized the correctness of Acropolites' explanation, but because she considered it improper to insult one engaged in philosophical studies. Two years later the Empress died; the philosopher seriously suggests that the eclipse was a portent of that unfortunate event, as was also the appearance of a bearded comet. It was Acropolites who, after the capture of Constantinople by Michael VIII Palaeologus in 1261, restored mathematics to the capital; he taught Euclid and Nicomachus to George (later Gregory) of Cyprus and others.10Among his pupils was, apparently, George Pachymeres,11 a man who progressed much further in astronomical studies than had his teacher. Pachymeres' knowledge of this subject is, naturally, set forth in the fourth book of his Quadrivium.12 To a large extent this consists of elaborate instructions for the multiplication of sexagesimal numbers, a procedure he regarded as incredibly difficult, a discussion of the risings, settings, and culminations of various constellations, and a number of the fundamental doctrines of astrology, many of which are also found in the Epitome physica of his mentor's mentor. He is capable of such improbable statements as: \"They say that a yearly revolution of the Sun takes place in 365 degrees (poipais for finipcuc), 14 minutes, and 48 seconds\" ; but his planetary theory is far more complete than that of his predecessor, and he himself is far from being confused about everything.George of Cyprus' friend John Pediasimus13 continued Blemmydes' study of Cleomedes' KvkAiki) eecopia pmcbpcov, on which he wrote a commentary ; and other mathematicians of this period were Maximus Planudes,14 who composed one of the first treatises on Indian numerals in Byzantium15 and an exegesis of the first two books of Diophantus,16 and his pupil Manuel Moschopulus, who wrote the first Western treatise on the construction of magic squares. …","PeriodicalId":147940,"journal":{"name":"Transactions of The American Philosophical Society","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2014-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"37","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Transactions of The American Philosophical Society","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1291210","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 37

Abstract

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)FOR almost seven centuries following the publication of the commentary on the Handy Tables of Theon by Stephanus of Alexandria1 little interest was shown in mathematical astronomy in Byzantium. It is tme that, in the ninth century, under the leadership of Leo the Mathematician,3 the text of Ptolemy's Almagest was studied and copied,3 and that scholars in the eleventh and twelfth centuries had learned something of Arabic science. But it seems improbable that many, save perhaps the astrologers, had the motivation or the training necessary for an attempt to understand more than the most elementary principles of the motions of the celestial spheres; and even the astrologers really needed nothing beyond an ability to manipulate tables.This neglect continued into the thirteenth century, both at Nicaea and in Constantinople after it had been recovered from the Latins. But the beginnings of a revival of astronomical studies can be traced to the early decades of this century when a few scholars sought to sustain Greek learning under the patronage of John III Vatatzes (1222-1254) and Theodore II Lascaris (1254-1258).Nicephorus Blemmydes,4 who taught at the Imperial court from 1238 to 1248 and whose pupils included George Acropolites,5 reawakened an interest in ancient Greek science which had been virtually dead since the time of Michael Psellos8 in the eleventh century. His Epitome physica7 is a completely unoriginal book, and its treatment of astronomy (chapters 25-30) is pitifully inadequate. He has very little that is sensible to say about planetary theory ; but he does demonstrate that he has read Aristotle, Cleomedes, and Euclid with some comprehension, and he observed at least one lunar eclipse, that of 18 May 1258.8An account9 of an observation of a solar eclipse by his pupil George Acropolites in the company of the Imperial court on 3 June 1239 reveals the intellectual atmosphere in which Nicephorus was working. The Empress Irene asked Acropolites, then only twenty-one years old, what had caused this phenomenon. He, though he had just begun his studies under Blemmydes, was able to reply correctly that the Moon was interposed between the Earth and the Sun. The court physician, Nicolaus, scoffed at this ridiculous response, and the Empress, trusting her doctor, called Acropolites a fool. She quickly regretted her use of this derogatory term, not because she realized the correctness of Acropolites' explanation, but because she considered it improper to insult one engaged in philosophical studies. Two years later the Empress died; the philosopher seriously suggests that the eclipse was a portent of that unfortunate event, as was also the appearance of a bearded comet. It was Acropolites who, after the capture of Constantinople by Michael VIII Palaeologus in 1261, restored mathematics to the capital; he taught Euclid and Nicomachus to George (later Gregory) of Cyprus and others.10Among his pupils was, apparently, George Pachymeres,11 a man who progressed much further in astronomical studies than had his teacher. Pachymeres' knowledge of this subject is, naturally, set forth in the fourth book of his Quadrivium.12 To a large extent this consists of elaborate instructions for the multiplication of sexagesimal numbers, a procedure he regarded as incredibly difficult, a discussion of the risings, settings, and culminations of various constellations, and a number of the fundamental doctrines of astrology, many of which are also found in the Epitome physica of his mentor's mentor. He is capable of such improbable statements as: "They say that a yearly revolution of the Sun takes place in 365 degrees (poipais for finipcuc), 14 minutes, and 48 seconds" ; but his planetary theory is far more complete than that of his predecessor, and he himself is far from being confused about everything.George of Cyprus' friend John Pediasimus13 continued Blemmydes' study of Cleomedes' KvkAiki) eecopia pmcbpcov, on which he wrote a commentary ; and other mathematicians of this period were Maximus Planudes,14 who composed one of the first treatises on Indian numerals in Byzantium15 and an exegesis of the first two books of Diophantus,16 and his pupil Manuel Moschopulus, who wrote the first Western treatise on the construction of magic squares. …
格里高利·基奥尼亚斯和古生物天文学
(ProQuest:……表示省略非usascii文本。)表示省略公式。)在亚历山大的斯蒂芬努斯(Stephanus)对《席恩手记》(Handy Tables of Theon)的注释出版后的近七个世纪里,拜占庭人对数学天文学几乎没有什么兴趣。是时候了,在9世纪,在数学家利奥的领导下,托勒密的《大成》的文本被研究和复制了,11世纪和12世纪的学者们也学到了一些阿拉伯科学。但是,除了占星家之外,似乎不太可能有许多人有动机或受过必要的训练,试图了解天体运动的最基本原理以外的东西;即使是占星家也只需要会操纵表格。这种忽视一直持续到13世纪,无论是在尼西亚,还是在君士坦丁堡从拉丁人手中收复之后。但天文学研究的复兴可以追溯到本世纪初,当时一些学者在约翰三世瓦塔泽斯(1222-1254)和西奥多二世拉斯卡里斯(1254-1258)的资助下,试图维持希腊的学术研究。从1238年到1248年在宫廷任教的尼塞弗鲁斯·布莱米德斯(Nicephorus Blemmydes),他的学生包括乔治·阿克罗波利斯(George Acropolites),重新唤起了人们对古希腊科学的兴趣。自11世纪迈克尔·普塞洛斯(Michael psellos)时代以来,古希腊科学实际上已经死亡。他的《物理学概论》是一本完全没有原创性的书,其中对天文学的论述(25-30章)少得可怜。关于行星理论,他没有多少明智的话可说;但他确实表明,他对亚里士多德、克利奥墨德斯和欧几里得的著作有一定的了解,而且他至少观察过一次月食,即1258年5月18日的日食。1239年6月3日,他的学生乔治·阿克罗波利斯在朝廷的陪同下观察了一次日食,这一记录揭示了尼基弗罗斯当时工作的学术氛围。艾琳皇后问当时只有21岁的阿克罗波利斯,是什么导致了这种现象。他虽然刚刚开始在布莱米底斯的指导下进行研究,却能正确地回答月亮位于地球和太阳之间。御医尼古拉对这个荒唐的回答嗤之以鼻,而皇后信任她的医生,称雅典卫城的人是傻瓜。她很快就后悔使用了这个贬义词,不是因为她意识到雅典卫城的解释是正确的,而是因为她认为侮辱一个从事哲学研究的人是不合适的。两年后,皇后去世了;这位哲学家严肃地提出,日食是那个不幸事件的预兆,就像一颗长着胡须的彗星的出现一样。1261年米迦勒八世占领君士坦丁堡后,雅典卫城的人在首都恢复了数学;他向塞浦路斯的乔治(后来的格列高利)和其他人教授欧几里得和尼可马可。在他的学生中,显然有乔治·帕奇梅尔,一个在天文学研究方面比他的老师进步得多的人。帕奇梅尔在这方面的知识,自然地,在他的《四分位》的第四本书中阐述了出来。12在很大程度上,这包括对六分位数字乘法的详细说明,他认为这是一个难以置信的困难的过程,关于各种星座的上升、背景和顶点的讨论,以及一些占星术的基本教义,其中许多也可以在他导师的导师的《物理学概论》中找到。他能说出一些不太可能的话,比如:“他们说太阳每年公转一圈是365度14分48秒”;但他的行星理论比他的前任完备得多,他自己也远没有对所有事情都感到困惑。塞浦路斯的乔治的朋友约翰·帕达西姆斯(John pediasimus)继续布莱米德斯对克利奥墨德斯(Cleomedes)的《eecopia pmcbpcov》的研究,并对此作了评论;这一时期的其他数学家包括马克西姆斯·普拉纳德(Maximus Planudes)和他的学生曼努埃尔·莫朔普卢斯(Manuel Moschopulus),前者是拜占庭最早的关于印度数字的论文之一,后者是丢番图(Diophantus)前两本书的注释者,后者写了西方第一部关于幻方构造的论文。...
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