Political Economy: National最新文献

{"title":"India and Pakistan Conflict: A Way towards Resolution","authors":"T. Das","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3508975","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3508975","url":null,"abstract":"Conflict between India and Pakistan is one of the major conflicts in the world today. The conflict has been continued since the creation of Pakistan out of India in 1947 and turned into several wars during the last century. At the time of partition of India, the native states (also called princely states) were left with choices, to join either India or Pakistan or to remain an independent state. Almost all states joined either India or Pakistan and the accession process was mostly peaceful. But the cases of few states like Jammu and Kashmir were not as uncomplicated as other states. Initially the ruler of Jammu and Kashmir opted for independence. Then he decided to accede to India following an invasion by Pakistan-based forces. Indian troops stopped Pakistani invasion and pushed them back in 1947. At present India controls roughly two-third of the state and Pakistan controls one-third of the state. There were subsequent wars in 1965, 1971 and 1999. Experiences of those wars were not pleasant for Pakistan. Possibly this is one of the reasons why they started harbouring terrorism to indulge in proxy war against India. It is not known exactly when the country started nurturing terrorism. It is believed that the government of Pakistan had \"created and nurtured\" terrorist groups in the 1980’s. Pakistan has been more engaged in anti-India rhetoric than economic development. In doing so, the country is approaching more and more economic collapse and remains in the grey list of FATF. Then what is the way out of this unwanted situation? India-Pakistan conflict has to be resolved for the peace and development of this region (South Asia). Feasibility of conflict resolution may be possible if costs of such conflict and strategies to minimise them could be identified. The present paper is such an attempt. (Revised version: Das, Tuhin K., Asian Journal of Peacebuilding; Seoul Vol. 8, Iss. 2, (Nov 2020): 223-240. DOI:10.18588/202011.00a114)","PeriodicalId":137820,"journal":{"name":"Political Economy: National","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121654464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Employment Effects of Ethnic Politics","authors":"Francesco Amodio, Giorgio Chiovelli, Sebastian Hohmann","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3503768","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3503768","url":null,"abstract":"This paper studies the labor market consequences of ethnic politics in African democracies. We combine geo-referenced data from 15 countries, 32 parliamentary elections, 62 political parties, 243 ethnic groups, 2,200 electoral constituencies, and 400,000 individuals. We implement a regression discontinuity design that compares individuals from ethnicities connected to parties at the margin of electing a local representative in the national parliament. We find that having a local ethnic politician in parliament increases the likelihood of being employed by 2-3 percentage points. We hypothesize that this effect originates from strategic interactions between ethnic politicians and traditional leaders, the latter retaining the power to allocate land and agricultural jobs in exchange for votes. The available evidence supports this hypothesis. First, the employment effect is concentrated in the historical homelands of ethnicities with strong pre-colonial institutions. Second, individuals from connected ethnicities are more likely to be employed in agriculture, and in those countries where customary land tenure is officially recognized by national legislation. Third, they are also more likely to identify traditional leaders as partisan, and as being mainly responsible for the allocation of land. Evidence shows that ethnic politics shapes the distribution of productive resources across sectors and ethnic groups.","PeriodicalId":137820,"journal":{"name":"Political Economy: National","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130173969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Mixed Signals Continue for Michigan Local Governments’ Fiscal Health, While Future Outlooks Worsen","authors":"D. Horner, Thomas M. Ivacko","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3535575","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3535575","url":null,"abstract":"This report presents Michigan local government leaders’ assessments of their jurisdictions’ fiscal conditions and the actions they plan to take in the coming year given their financial situations. The findings are based on responses from 10 statewide survey waves of the Michigan Public Policy Survey (MPPS) conducted annually each spring from 2009 through 2019.","PeriodicalId":137820,"journal":{"name":"Political Economy: National","volume":"73 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122570792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Do Vocational High School Graduates Have Better Employment Outcomes than General High School Graduates?","authors":"Huzeyfe Torun, Semih Tumen","doi":"10.1108/IJM-11-2017-0314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1108/IJM-11-2017-0314","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Purpose\u0000The purpose of this paper is to estimate the causal effect of vocational high school (VHS) education on employment likelihood relative to general high school (GHS) education in Turkey using Census data.\u0000\u0000\u0000Design/methodology/approach\u0000To address non-random selection into high school types, the authors collect construction dates of the VHSs at the town level and use various measures of VHS availability in the town by the age of 13 as instrumental variables.\u0000\u0000\u0000Findings\u0000The first-stage estimates suggest that the availability of VHS does not affect the overall high school graduation rates, but generates a substitution from GHS to VHS. The OLS estimates yield the result that individuals with a VHS degree are around 5 percentage points more likely to be employed compared to those with a GHS degree. When the authors use measures of VHS availability as instruments, they still find positive and statistically significant effect of VHS degree on employment likelihood relative to GHS degree. However, once they include town-level controls or town fixed effects, IV estimates get much smaller and become statistically insignificant.\u0000\u0000\u0000Originality/value\u0000The authorsconclude that, although VHS construction generates a substitution from GHS to VHS education, this substitution is not transformed into increased employment rates in a statistically significant way.\u0000","PeriodicalId":137820,"journal":{"name":"Political Economy: National","volume":"303 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133233021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Data and Digital Intelligence Commons (Making a Case for their Community Ownership)","authors":"P. Singh","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3873169","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3873169","url":null,"abstract":"Digital technologies once held the promise to be a great equalizer. As a digital economy takes shape, global inequalities however are rising sharply. Vertically integrated global digital corporations are set to rule every sector of the economy based on their exclusive control over its data, further concentrating economic power. There exists a political paralysis over regulation of such digital corporations. Any shift in the dominant digital model and practices towards greater fairness and sustainability requires first of all an examination of the political economy of data, and the digital intelligence that it contributes. Policy makers around the world are evidently becoming eager to explore ways for wide data sharing, with a view to its easy availability for domestic businesses.<br><br>But there is a dearth of understanding and political will at the highest levels to develop the required new policies and laws for this purpose, as well as of viable practical models for data sharing. Very little theoretical work explores alternative models for economic governance of data. This paper attempts some new directions in this regard.<br><br>The digital economy can be understood as comprising intelligent systems running whole sectors, employing data based digital intelligence to re-organize and coordinate them. Within such a macro understanding, it is possible to apply the framework of Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) developed by Elinor Ostrom to examine the management of data and digital intelligence resources at the community level in a given sector, like transport, under the dominant model. Such an analysis reveals very suboptimal results on almost all the key IAD evaluation parameters; from efficiency and equity to accountability and sustainability. The paper then proposes treating data and digital intelligence as common pool resources, under common property regimes.<br><br>It briefly considers the kind of data governance arrangements that may be possible and necessary for a robust and fair digital economy. The discussion also subsumes key contemporary data related issues like the contestations around free global flows of data and the data rights of platform dependent actors, like taxi drivers and traders.","PeriodicalId":137820,"journal":{"name":"Political Economy: National","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122511790","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Impacts of Autonomous Vehicles on Local Government Budgeting and Finance: Case of Solid Waste Collection","authors":"Benjamin Y. Clark","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3471853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3471853","url":null,"abstract":"Recent research on autonomous vehicles (AV) has shown a substantive dive into the technical aspects of AVs, but our understanding of the secondary effects of AVs is minimal in comparison (Glancy, 2015; Mitteregger, Soteropoulos, Brothaler, & Dorner, 2019; Terry & Bachmann, 2019). This article offers a look at how automation of one of the cornerstones of many municipal government — solid waste collection — could be altered with the advent of AVs. In this article, full-cost accounting is used to assess how changing different inputs to the collection process, including direct, indirect, and capital costs, could yield savings for a municipal government. To conduct the analysis, data from the North Carolina Benchmarking Project for 2016-17 were evaluated, a range of assumptions were made based on the best available information on automation, and three cost scenarios were calculated for two North Carolina cities with differing means of collection today. The findings indicate savings in the long-run that could potentially reduce the cost of collecting solid waste by 27 to 60 percent.","PeriodicalId":137820,"journal":{"name":"Political Economy: National","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116462999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Campesinos, Latifundistas and Padrones: The Role of Subnational Actors in Venezuelan Land Reform","authors":"Lewis Davis, Christopher T. Yao","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3475747","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3475747","url":null,"abstract":"While much of the empirical literature on land reform focuses on national political economy, the qualitative literature increasingly stresses the important role of subnational actors in the land reform process. In this paper, we provide empirical evidence on the role of subnational factors as determinants of the extent of land reform among over 300 Venezuelan municipalities over the period 2007-2009. We find that including state political opposition, landowner power, and social capital have large, statistically significant impacts on the extent of land reform. We discuss these findings in light of calls to de-emphasize the central government in land reform policy.","PeriodicalId":137820,"journal":{"name":"Political Economy: National","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130530581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Estimating the Impact of State Taxation Policies on the Cost of Wind Development in the West","authors":"B. Cook, R. Godby","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3790830","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3790830","url":null,"abstract":"Wind development offers local economic growth opportunities, and for this reason, reducing the tax burden on wind development may be a policy advocated by communities wishing to attract such investment. Alternatively, increased local public costs, and the potential externalities caused by wind development may create a reason to raise taxes on wind. Increased taxation on wind presents a potential policy tradeoff as efforts to raise taxes and revenues from wind can reduce a state’s ability to attract wind development. Local tax environments can affect which regions successfully attract wind investment due to their effect on developer’s costs. Estimates of the potential tax elasticity of wind development are undeveloped in the academic and policy literatures, thus policy changes with respect to taxation often occur without any estimate of the potential impact on development. Absent such tax elasticity estimates, comparative estimates of regional wind costs and how they may be affected by state tax policy would be useful to policy-makers, but such estimates are also limited. To our knowledge, the only effort to compare state wind costs across western states and how they vary when state tax policies are included was conducted by a private firm in 2010 (see E3 (2010)), and that study is now well out of date. The study presented here develops such state wind cost estimates by describing the financial structure of a typical large utility-scale wind development. Consideration of the capital structure of a wind development is crucial to understand how different taxation and other incentive policies affect wind development, and to develop taxation strategies that minimize wind development and tax-policy tradeoffs.","PeriodicalId":137820,"journal":{"name":"Political Economy: National","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124832821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"How Do Government Benefits Affect Elections? Evidence from State Earned Income Tax Credits","authors":"Hunter Rendleman, Jesse Yoder","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3454684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3454684","url":null,"abstract":"Whether and how individuals link benefits they receive from the government to their voting behavior is a central question in political economy. We study this question using one of the largest social provision programs in the United States: The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC). We exploit the staggered roll-out of state-level EITC programs to estimate the causal effect of the program on elections, voter behavior, and attitudes about the government. Contrary to predictions from the policy feedback literature, we show that the credit leads to higher vote shares and approval ratings for the implementing governor. These effects are temporally limited to the first years of the credit's availability, and dissipate over time. Taken together, our results suggest that voters are responsive to the benefit.","PeriodicalId":137820,"journal":{"name":"Political Economy: National","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123876745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Fiscal Reform to Benefit State and Local Governments: The Modern Money Theory Approach","authors":"L. Wray","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3448084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3448084","url":null,"abstract":"This paper will present the Modern Money Theory approach to government finance. In short, a national government that chooses its own money of account, imposes a tax in that money of account, and issues currency in that money of account cannot face a financial constraint. It can make all payments as they come due. It cannot be forced into insolvency. While this was well understood in the early postwar period, it was gradually \"forgotten\" as the neoclassical theory of the household budget constraint was applied to government finance. Matters were made worse by the development of \"generational accounting\" that calculated hundreds of trillions of dollars of government red ink through eternity due to \"entitlements.\" As austerity measures were increasingly adopted at the national level, fiscal responsibility was shifted to state and local governments through \"devolution.\" A \"stakeholder\" approach to government finance helped fuel white flight to suburbs and produced \"doughnut holes\" in the cities. To reverse these trends, we need to redevelop our understanding of the fiscal space open to the currency issuer--expanding its responsibility not only for national social spending but also for helping to fund state and local government spending. This is no longer just an academic debate, given the challenges posed by climate change, growing inequality, secular stagnation, and the rise of Trumpism.","PeriodicalId":137820,"journal":{"name":"Political Economy: National","volume":"142 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114842005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}