Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics最新文献

{"title":"Two Types of Constructionalization Processes in Spanish and Portuguese Clefted wh-interrogatives","authors":"Malte Rosemeyer","doi":"10.1515/shll-2021-2042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2021-2042","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The present paper analyzes and compares the use of clefted wh-interrogatives in spoken Madrid Spanish, Puerto Rican Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese. In a first step, a typology of the discourse functions of clefted wh-interrogatives is established. This typology is partially governed by the strength of the presupposition of the proposition of the wh-interrogative. The results suggest the existence of two distinct constructionalization processes 1 March 2021. First, in the Spanish dialects, clefted wh-interrogatives with copula deletion are specialized in the expression of interactional challenges. Second, both Puerto Rican Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese evidence a change in the use of information-seeking clefted wh-interrogatives towards contexts in which the proposition of the interrogative is not activated. Consequently, in these dialects clefted wh-interrogatives can be used to establish questions not related to the current Question Under Discussion. However, this semantic change can be characterized as a constructionalization process only in Brazilian Portuguese.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126601095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A Variationist Analysis of Second Language Spanish Trill Production","authors":"Danielle Daidone, Sara Zahler","doi":"10.1515/shll-2021-2038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2021-2038","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The current study examines the production of the Spanish trill by advanced second language (L2) learners using a variationist approach. Findings indicate that learners produced less multiple occlusion trills than native speakers and their variation was not constrained by the same factors as native speakers. Phonetic context conditioned the use of the multiple occlusion variant for native speakers, whereas frequency and speaker sex conditioned this variation for learners, and in the opposite direction of effect as expected from previous native speaker research. Nevertheless, the majority of tokens produced by learners were other variants also produced by native speakers, and when the variation between native and non-native variants was examined, learners’ variation was conditioned not only by frequency, but also phonetic context. Some of the phonetic contexts in which learners produced non-native variants were comparable to those in which native speakers were least likely to produce the multiple occlusion trill, indicating that articulatory constraints governed variation in trill production similarly for both groups. Thus, although L2 learners do not exhibit native-like trill variation, they appear to be developing toward a more native-like norm. These insights provide support for adopting a multifaceted variationist approach to the study of L2 phonological variable structures.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128514637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"On the Contrasts Between sí ‘yes’ and sí que ‘yes that’ in Spanish and the Structure of the Complementizer Phrase Domain","authors":"J. Villa-García, Raquel González Rodríguez","doi":"10.1515/shll-2020-2037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2020-2037","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper aims to account for a host of old and novel syntactic contrasts between the emphatic polarity particle sí ‘yes’ and its putative counterpart with an instance of the complementizer que –sí que ‘yes that’ in Spanish. Even though the two constructions appear to be synonymous in certain contexts, closer inspection reveals that the two elements display a number of non-trivial asymmetries in their behavior and distribution and convey different meanings. We thus argue that the two elements should be treated differently. Building on Hernanz (2007 and subsequent work), we propose that sí, which marks focal positive polarity, i.e., verum focus, originates in ΣP and then moves to FocusP. By contrast, sí que is directly merged in a projection below TopicP but higher than FocusP in the left periphery, does not encode polarity, and instead renders the meaning that the speaker is extremely confident about the propositional content, be it positive or negative. We argue that sí que involves more CP structure than sí, which makes a variety of correct empirical predictions.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"243 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122129499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A distinctness approach to clitic combinations in Romance","authors":"M. Colomina","doi":"10.1515/shll-2020-2031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2020-2031","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper analyses the combinatorial restrictions that operate in clitic clusters in certain Eastern Iberian varieties (Aragonese, Spanish, and Catalan). In particular, I focus on the combination of third person clitics. As it is well known, in some Romance varieties the combination of a third person accusative clitic and a third person dative clitic is banned (the so-called ∗le lo restriction, Bonet, Eulàlia. 1991. Morphology after syntax: Pronominal clitics in Romance. Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Dissertation; Cuervo, María Cristina. 2013. Spanish clitic clusters: Three of a perfect pair. Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 2. 191–220; Nevins, Andrew. 2007. The representation of third person and its consequences for person-case effects. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 25(2). 273–313; Ordóñez, Francisco. 2002. Some clitic combinations in the syntax of Romance. Catalan Journal of Linguistics 1. 201–224, Ordóñez, Francisco. 2012. Clitics in Spanish. In José I. Hualde, Antxon Olarrea & Erin O’Rouke (eds.), The handbook of Spanish Linguistics, 423–453. Malden: Wiley-Blackwell; Perlmutter, David. 1971. Deep and surface structure constraints in syntax. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston). In order to license this troublesome combination, languages resort to different ‘repair strategies’ modifying the structure of one of the merged clitics. In the literature on clitic combinations, there have been two main proposals of analysis: morphological and syntactical. In this paper, I put forward an analysis based on the Distinctness Condition (Hiraiwa, Ken. 2010. The syntactic OCP. In Yukio Otsu (ed.), The proceedings of the 11th Tokyo Conference on Psycholinguistics, 35–56. Hituzi: Tokyo; Neeleman, Ad & Hans van de Koot. 2005. Syntactic haplology. In Martin Everaert & Henk van Riemsdijk (eds.), The Blackwell companion to syntax, 685–710. Wiley-Blackwell; Perlmutter, David. 1971. Deep and surface structure constraints in syntax. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston; Richards, Norvin. 2010. Uttering trees, vol. 56. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press; Van Riemsdijk, Henk. 1998. Categorial feature magnetism: The endocentricity and distribution of projections. The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 2(1). 1–48; Yip, Moira. 1998. Identity avoxidance in phonology and morphology. In Steven G. Lapointe, Diane K. Brentari & Patrick M. Farell (eds.), Mophology and its relation to phonology and syntax, 216–246. Stanford, CA: CSLI). Specifically, I argue that the restrictions that constraint clitic combinations are due to the impossibility to linearize two identical syntactic objects, such as (Chomsky, Noam. 2013. Problems of projection. Lingua 130. 33–49; Chomsky, Noam. 2015. Problems of projection. In Elisa Di Domenico, Cornelia Hamann & Simona Matteini (eds.), Structures, strategies and beyond: Studies in honour of Adriana Belletti, 1–16. Amsterdam: John Benjamins; Moro, Andrea. 2000. Dynamic antisymmetry (No. 38)","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126338078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Internal Structure of Perfective Adjectives: States and Blocking","authors":"Antonio Fábregas, Rafael Marín","doi":"10.1515/shll-2020-2033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2020-2033","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The goal of this article is to discuss the nature of so-called perfective adjectives in Spanish (desnudo ‘naked,’ suelto ‘loose’). We do so through a discussion of the problem that participles are blocked by perfective adjectives in some contexts (Dejó la habitación {limpia / ∗limpiada} ‘He left the room {clean / ∗cleaned}). We will argue that perfective adjectives contain in their internal structure a StateP that can contextually be interpreted as a result state; this head has morphological, syntactic and semantic effects, and makes the structure spelled out by the perfective adjective identical to the one associated with a small participle, with the result that a principle of lexical economy blocks the participial morphology in situations where only the small participle is allowed.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128923792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Nominal predication with estar","authors":"Carmelo Bazaco, Melvin González-Rivera","doi":"10.1515/shll-2020-2030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2020-2030","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Spanish is a dual copula system — ser and estar. According to traditional interpretations of their distribution, estar does not take nominal complements. Instead, this type of complements appears with the copula ser. There are, however, some counterexamples to this rule. On the one hand, we have examples such as Pepe estuvo torero ayer ‘Pepe was like a bullfighter yesterday.’ In this example, the noun torero does not have its usual interpretation, but rather it refers to the prototypical qualities associated with bullfighters — bravery, unfazed by danger. In this manner, the restriction that Spanish imposes on the copula estar regarding NP complementation does not seem apply in cases where the NP does not provide an identificational interpretation, but rather one associated with the prototypical qualities associated with the noun. A second case in which estar can take nominal complements can be seen in examples such as Esta película está una masa ‘This movie is pretty cool.’ This type of estar predication has a different interpretation than the ones presented in the previous example. While the former provides a predication denoting the properties associated with the noun, the nouns in the latter are expressing a measure of quality regarding their subject. The subjects película ‘movie’ is not being identified with the prototypical qualities of a mass but rather are expressions of high quality. In this respect, the estar predication in this example can be ascribed to the evidential uses of estar. Not every dialect of Spanish can produce examples such as the ones found in the está una masa example, while data similar to está torero is common in all the dialectal continuum. The focus of this investigation is to examine these two types of nominal complements with estar and provide an analysis of the differences between them, as well as provide an explanation regarding their acceptability in estar predications.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"147 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132953397","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Frontmatter","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/shll-2020-frontmatter2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2020-frontmatter2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"51 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120938798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"L2 Acquisition of Spanish VOT by English-Speaking Immigrants in Spain","authors":"T. L. Face, Mandy R. Menke","doi":"10.1515/shll-2020-2034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2020-2034","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Previous studies of native English speakers learning Spanish as a second language (L2) document compromise voice onset time (VOT) values; however, the focus has been predominantly on voiceless stops and has almost exclusively investigated beginning and intermediate learners. This study fills a gap in the literature by considering the acquisition of VOT in both voiceless and voiced Spanish stops by long-time native English-speaking residents of Spain. Overall, the results show that the L2 speakers’ VOT values differ from those of native speakers across all stop consonants; yet L2 speakers’ productions of voiceless, as opposed to voiced, stops more closely approximate those of native speakers. Considerable individual variation is observed as no speaker achieves native-like performance overall, and no consonant is mastered by more than half of the speakers. Results are considered in light of what they contribute to our understanding of ultimate attainment of Spanish VOT, specifically, and L2 phonology more generally.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116761443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Mirativity as Expressive Meaning: The Case of adiós","authors":"Juan M. Escalona Torres","doi":"10.1515/shll-2020-2032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2020-2032","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The study of mirativity as a semantic-pragmatic concept is the study of the status or expectation of knowledge (DeLancey 2012; Sánchez López 2017). In Spanish, mirativity is expressed by the use of strategies such as intonation, exclamatory sentences, focus fronting, and the use of mirative particles. This paper examines the mirative particle adiós (lit. ‘to god’) in Puerto Rican Spanish. I divide the paper into two parts: first, I examine the structural distribution of adiós and its various mirative values (cf. Aikhenvald 2012); second, I look into several properties of adiós that are characteristic of expressive meaning rather than truth-conditional meaning (cf. Potts 2007). The essential function of adiós is to signal that a proposition-at-hand is new and unexpected information to the speaker. As derived from this mirative value, adiós implicates a speaker-oriented perspective and the speaker’s concomitant surprise. Aside from its mirative role in the sentence, adiós does not alter the truth-value of the sentence. For this reason, the function of Spanish mirative particles is best captured within an expressive account of meaning. As I illustrate in the analysis, the use of adiós, and other mirative particles alike, is consistent with Potts’ (2007) characteristics of expressive content: independence, non-displaceability, descriptive ineffability, and repeatability.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116600091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Use of the Glottal Stop as a Variant of /s/ in Puerto Rican Spanish","authors":"Sherez Mohamed, Antje Muntendam","doi":"10.1515/shll-2020-2035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2020-2035","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines the glottal stop in word-final position as a variant of /s/ in Puerto Rican Spanish. Previous research (Tellado González 2007; Valentín-Márquez 2006) generally focused on the glottal stop in word-final position between vowels (e.g., /las alas/ ‘the wings’). In this paper, we investigate the glottal stop not only in this context, but also in word-final position when preceded by a vowel and followed by a consonant (e.g., /los takos/ ‘the tacos’), and in word-final position when preceded by a vowel and followed by a pause (e.g., /los takos#/ ‘the tacos’). Specifically, the effects of following segment, stress of the following syllable, gender, age, and English use and proficiency on glottal stop production were investigated. The data came from sociolinguistic interviews with 19 participants (8 female, 11 male; Age range: 18–63 years) from San Juan, Carolina, and Guaynabo. The results showed that the glottal stop occurred not only between vowels, but also when followed by a consonant or a pause. Additionally, the glottal stop appeared significantly more before stressed syllables. There were no significant effects of age or gender. Although the effects of English use and proficiency were not significant, we discuss the potential role that contact with English may play in glottalization rates.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134188437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}