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引用次数: 3
摘要
摘要本文旨在解释强调极性粒子sí ' yes '与西班牙语中补语que -sí que ' yes that '的一个实例之间的一系列新旧句法对比。尽管这两个结构在某些上下文中似乎是同义的,但仔细观察就会发现,这两个元素在它们的行为和分布上显示出许多重要的不对称,并传达不同的含义。因此,我们认为应区别对待这两个要素。在Hernanz(2007及后续工作)的基础上,我们提出sí,它标志着焦点的正极性,即verum focus,起源于ΣP,然后移动到FocusP。相比之下,sí que直接合并在左侧外围低于TopicP但高于FocusP的投影中,不编码极性,而是呈现出说话者对命题内容非常自信的意思,无论是积极的还是消极的。我们认为sí que比sí涉及更多的CP结构,它做出了各种正确的经验预测。
On the Contrasts Between sí ‘yes’ and sí que ‘yes that’ in Spanish and the Structure of the Complementizer Phrase Domain
Abstract This paper aims to account for a host of old and novel syntactic contrasts between the emphatic polarity particle sí ‘yes’ and its putative counterpart with an instance of the complementizer que –sí que ‘yes that’ in Spanish. Even though the two constructions appear to be synonymous in certain contexts, closer inspection reveals that the two elements display a number of non-trivial asymmetries in their behavior and distribution and convey different meanings. We thus argue that the two elements should be treated differently. Building on Hernanz (2007 and subsequent work), we propose that sí, which marks focal positive polarity, i.e., verum focus, originates in ΣP and then moves to FocusP. By contrast, sí que is directly merged in a projection below TopicP but higher than FocusP in the left periphery, does not encode polarity, and instead renders the meaning that the speaker is extremely confident about the propositional content, be it positive or negative. We argue that sí que involves more CP structure than sí, which makes a variety of correct empirical predictions.