Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal最新文献

筛选
英文 中文
Party Institutionalization and Legislative Organization: The Evolution of Agenda Power in the Polish Parliament 政党制度化与立法组织:波兰议会议程权力的演变
Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal Pub Date : 2013-08-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1642432
Royce Carroll, M. Nalepa
{"title":"Party Institutionalization and Legislative Organization: The Evolution of Agenda Power in the Polish Parliament","authors":"Royce Carroll, M. Nalepa","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1642432","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1642432","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines conditions under which parties in parliamentary government establish dominance over the legislative process. We focus on two aspects of this dominance: negative agenda control and legislative success. We argue that the logic of organizing a legislature for majority control is conditional on features of institutionalized parties. To examine this question, we examine the evolution of the Polish Sejm, a case that emerged from a transition to democracy with a weak and fragile party system yet with strong formal legislative institutions that give influence to individual MPs and opposition parties. Using roll call votes and bills submitted during four terms of the Polish Sejm (1997-2011) in conjunction with interviews with MPs, we examine how changes in the party system have influenced the government’s use of legislative institutions to establish majoritarian control over the legislature. We argue that, in contrast to governments formed by the transitional parties that ultimately collapsed, governments led by more institutionalized parties were able to effectively delegate power to the their leadership to pursue collective party goals and to reduce the opposition’s legislative influence. With better-organized, more programmatic and more stable parties, governments can establish increasingly strong control over legislative institutions— even during periods of cabinet crisis.","PeriodicalId":125020,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124339740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 12
Why Do Members of Congress Support Agricultural Protection? 为什么国会议员支持农业保护?
Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal Pub Date : 2013-06-16 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2280073
Marc F. Bellemare, Nicholas Carnes
{"title":"Why Do Members of Congress Support Agricultural Protection?","authors":"Marc F. Bellemare, Nicholas Carnes","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2280073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2280073","url":null,"abstract":"It seems paradoxical that until recently, developed countries have continued subsidizing agriculture even though their agricultural sectors had been declining in relative importance since the middle of the 20th century. What drives support for agricultural protection—the broad array of subsidies to farmers and taxes and quotas imposed on agricultural imports—in developed countries? We answer this question by testing three competing hypotheses about what drives support for agricultural protection in the US: (i) legislator preferences, (ii) electoral incentives, or (iii) lobbying. Using data on the roll call votes of the members of the 106th through the 110th Congresses (1999-2009) and the scores given to each legislator by the Farm Bureau, our findings suggest electoral incentives explain a great deal of the variation in support for agricultural protection, but that legislator preferences and lobbying might play a role, too. Moreover, legislator preferences and electoral incentives appear to be substitutes for one another. Why does Congress support agricultural protection? Because many members have electoral incentives to—and because many of those who do not still have other personal or strategic interests at stake.","PeriodicalId":125020,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114560593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 10
Committee Design with Endogenous Participation 具有内生参与的委员会设计
Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal Pub Date : 2013-06-12 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2289095
Volker Hahn
{"title":"Committee Design with Endogenous Participation","authors":"Volker Hahn","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2289095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2289095","url":null,"abstract":"We analyze different committee designs in a model with the endogenous participation of experts who have private information about their own abilities. Each committee design involves a test of abilities whose accuracy influences experts' decisions to participate. We derive the following findings. First, higher wages continuously lower the quality of experts on the committee. Second, and as a consequence of this, optimal committees involve low wages. Third, an increase in transparency improves the quality of experts on the committee. Fourth, larger committees attract less able experts than smaller ones, unless the committee operates under full transparency.","PeriodicalId":125020,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115537902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Primary Electorates vs. Party Elites: Who are the Polarizers? 初选选民与政党精英:谁是两极分化者?
Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal Pub Date : 2013-05-08 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2262076
S. Masket, Boris Shor
{"title":"Primary Electorates vs. Party Elites: Who are the Polarizers?","authors":"S. Masket, Boris Shor","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2262076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2262076","url":null,"abstract":"Advocates of direct primaries argued that party nominees selected by voters should be more independent-minded than those hand-selected by party elites. We test this claim through a study of state legislative vacancy appointments, through which a small group of party activists is responsible for replacing legislators who have died or resigned. We compare the roll call voting behavior of two decades of legislators in Colorado and Illinois based on whether the legislators were directly nominated in primary elections or selected by party elites on a partisan vacancy committee. Results demonstrate that there is, in fact, little ideological difference between the two types of incumbents, suggesting that party elites are largely able to secure the nominations of their preferred candidates even under conditions of a direct primary.","PeriodicalId":125020,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128660235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
A Spatial Model of Voting with Endogenous Proposals: Theory and Evidence from the Chilean Senate 具有内生提案的投票空间模型:来自智利参议院的理论和证据
Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal Pub Date : 2013-03-29 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2255835
M. Triossi, P. Valdivieso, Benjamín Villena-Roldán
{"title":"A Spatial Model of Voting with Endogenous Proposals: Theory and Evidence from the Chilean Senate","authors":"M. Triossi, P. Valdivieso, Benjamín Villena-Roldán","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2255835","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2255835","url":null,"abstract":"Proposers strategically formulate legislative bills before voting takes place. However, spatial voting models that estimate legislator’s ideological preferences do not explicitly consider this fact. In our model, proposers determine the ideology and valence of legislative bills to maximize their objective functions. Approaching to the median legislator ideology and increasing costly valence increases the passing probability, but usually decreases the proposer’s payoff. Using quantile utility proposer preferences, the model becomes tractable and estimable. In this way, we deal with the bill sample selection problem to estimate legislator’s preferences and also, the ideology of proposers, the proposed valence change, and the ideological stance of the statu quo in a common scale. Using Chilean Senate 2009 - 2011 roll call data, our results suggests that (1) political party affiliation significantly affects Senators’ ideology, (2) popular, young and male Senators are more extremist, and (3) proposers during Bachelet and Pinera’s terms have similar ideologies. Key words:","PeriodicalId":125020,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129692395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Congress (In-) Action: Resolving a Court Created Gordian Knot on Software Patents 国会行动:解决法院在软件专利上制造的死结
Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal Pub Date : 2012-11-14 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2175978
C. Sheppard
{"title":"Congress (In-) Action: Resolving a Court Created Gordian Knot on Software Patents","authors":"C. Sheppard","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2175978","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2175978","url":null,"abstract":"The possession of power does not assure its exercise. The Constitution makes clear that should Congress choose to grant patents Congress does not have to, but should they so choose, Congress is limited to implementations that 1) “promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts” 2) are “for limited times” 3) to “Authors and Inventors” solely for their “writings and discoveries” and 4) the right is “exclusive.” Yet, while the Congress has chosen to exercise the power to create a monopoly right and modified the law as recently as 2011 to balance the equities, the most basic notion of what should be eligible for consideration for patent has not been directly addressed by the Congress since the 1952 Patent Act. While Congress is the entity constitutionally charged with deciding what implementations promote the Progress of Science and the Useful Arts, this determination has been abdicated to the Courts and has been particularly problematic in the area of software patents. The following are four suggestions for immediate Congressional action to cut the Court created Gordian Knot.","PeriodicalId":125020,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115216173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Testing an Informational Theory of Legislation: Evidence from the U.S. House of Representatives 检验立法信息理论:来自美国众议院的证据
Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal Pub Date : 2012-10-09 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1990484
A. Ambrus, H. You, László Sándor
{"title":"Testing an Informational Theory of Legislation: Evidence from the U.S. House of Representatives","authors":"A. Ambrus, H. You, László Sándor","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1990484","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1990484","url":null,"abstract":"Using data on roll calls from the U.S. House of Representatives, this paper finds empirical support for informational theories of legislative decision-making. Consistent with the theoretical prediction, the bias of the committee a bill gets assigned to is strongly positively associated with the bias of its sponsor, and unbiased sponsors in expectation get assigned to roughly unbiased committees. Moreover, we find a negative relationship between the sponsor's absolute bias and the probability that the legislation is processed by closed rule. Despite these empirical regularities, there is a large variation in the data, suggesting that considerations other than informational efficiency are also important in committee appointments and procedural rule selection. As far as we know, our paper is the first one that provides quantitative empirical support for a theory of cheap talk versus delegation, in any setting.","PeriodicalId":125020,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125417577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Contrasting Rule-Making in a Civil Administration with Rule-Making Under a Millitary Regime, in Nigeria 尼日利亚民事政府与军事政权下规则制定的对比
Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal Pub Date : 2012-08-28 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2137931
O. Duru
{"title":"Contrasting Rule-Making in a Civil Administration with Rule-Making Under a Millitary Regime, in Nigeria","authors":"O. Duru","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2137931","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2137931","url":null,"abstract":"Legislative power is simply the law making powers of a legislative body whose primary functions includes power to make new laws, alter existing ones, guard and repeal laws. The legislature has the constitutional prerogative to make laws and that power is reposed exclusively in such body even though it may be delegated to some agencies in the Executive department for operational conveniences but the ultimate legislative authority is vested on the legislature and within this context, it is able to maintain its control over all delegated legislative activities. Legislators are the authors of statutes and the ordinances are issued by the heads of the Executive under a specific constitutional power and subject to constitutional limitations which are severe. This paper contrasts the legislative powers of a Military Government with that of a Civilian Government. The paper argues that whereas the law-making powers of a civil legislature is limited by the doctrine of checks and balances; that of a military government is very extensive. The paper presents theoretical adumbrations on the nature of bills and degrees, while noting the differences in their manner of execution and enforcement. The paper concludes that military rule or dictatorial government is an aberration of all the well-known and well-tried norms of constitutional law and is thus undesirable in any body polity and accordingly submits that it is not possible to operate a constitution properly so-called under military rule or any dictatorship by whatever names it is called.","PeriodicalId":125020,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal","volume":"93 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125237168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
How Do Committee Assignments Facilitate Majority Party Power? Evidence from a Randomized Experiment in the Arkansas State Legislature 委员会分配如何促进多数党权力?来自阿肯色州立法机构随机实验的证据
Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal Pub Date : 2012-08-16 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2130697
David E. Broockman, Daniel M. Butler
{"title":"How Do Committee Assignments Facilitate Majority Party Power? Evidence from a Randomized Experiment in the Arkansas State Legislature","authors":"David E. Broockman, Daniel M. Butler","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2130697","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2130697","url":null,"abstract":"We use a natural experiment in Arkansas’ state legislature to reexamine how the committee assignment process facilitates legislative party power. In contrast to the view that parties use committee assignments as significant carrots and sticks to enforce party discipline, we find that the rewards legislators reap from winning their preferred assignments appear meager and that party discipline prevails at typical levels in Arkansas despite that parties do not control assignments there. However, in contrast to other legislatures, disloyal legislators tend to fill powerful committees in Arkansas, suggesting that parties do stack powerful committees with loyalists in legislatures where they can.","PeriodicalId":125020,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130499726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Examining Inequities in Campaign Money in State Legislative Elections 检视州立法选举中竞选资金的不公平
Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal Pub Date : 2012-08-14 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2129032
Greg Vonnahme
{"title":"Examining Inequities in Campaign Money in State Legislative Elections","authors":"Greg Vonnahme","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2129032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2129032","url":null,"abstract":"There is a striking level of inequality in campaign money in state legislative elections as many candidates have relatively little campaign money while a few candidates raise much more. This paper examines the origins of these inequalities. The paper conceptualizes contributions as a type of attachment between donors and candidates, and analyzes how these attachments are formed over the course of a campaign. The study considers a preferential attachment process in which donors are likely to contribute to candidates that already have many previous donors. This model not only has implications for donor-level decision-making but also implies a rich-get-richer effect which could account for candidate-level inequalities. The research design analyzes data on nearly 900,000 contributions in the 2010 state legislative elections and finds strong empirical support for the preferential attachment process.","PeriodicalId":125020,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115127315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
相关产品
×
本文献相关产品
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术官方微信