Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations最新文献_第3页

The ‘green’ agreement between the European Union and Japan 欧盟和日本之间的“绿色”协议

Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17582.1

I. Wróbel

{"title":"The ‘green’ agreement between the European Union and Japan","authors":"I. Wróbel","doi":"10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17582.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17582.1","url":null,"abstract":"In the European Green Deal, the European Commission expressed its will to build alliances with European Union’s (EU) partners who have a similar approach to environmental protection. The first green alliance was concluded by the EU with Japan on 27 May 2021. The aim of the paper is to analyse the content and nature of this alliance and to assess its potential effectiveness as an instrument for the implementation of the European Green Deal and its possible impact on international relations and respectively EU, national, and international legal norms in the field of the environment. As shown in this study, the first green alliance is not a model solution. On the one hand, this instrument requires a formal correction (involving Member States and relevant EU institutions in adopting any amendments in line with the principles of division of competences between the EU and its Member States and institutional balance, clarification of the nature of obligations), on the other hand, it is deeply embedded in the unique international legal framework of EU-Japanese relations. However, the first green alliance has great potential to influence the EU's relations with other third countries and the content of the resulting legal norms at various levels.","PeriodicalId":124409,"journal":{"name":"Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127489181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Russian-Chinese cooperation and competition in Afghanistan and its implications for Central Asia 俄中在阿富汗的合作与竞争及其对中亚的影响

Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17587.1

Nurlan Aliyev

{"title":"Russian-Chinese cooperation and competition in Afghanistan and its implications for Central Asia","authors":"Nurlan Aliyev","doi":"10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17587.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17587.1","url":null,"abstract":"Background: This paper aims to explore current and perspective trends of relations between Russia and China in Afghanistan and Central Asia. It also analyzes whether the withdrawal of the U.S. and the subsequent Taliban takeover helped—and continues to help—strengthen the two powers' positions in the region and what kind of challenges and benefits they face. The paper examines the hypothesis that the U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Taliban's return to power added to Russia and China's benefits in the region. Methods: The research uses content analysis regarding official documents, political and military elite speeches, interviews, and reports to explain Russia and China’s official positions and policies regarding Afghanistan and Central Asia. Relations between the two powers as regards Afghanistan and Central Asia are comparatively analyzed. The paper uses the neorealist approach, which is fit for explaining relations between Russia and China in Afghanistan and Central Asia. Results: After the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, regional security is now the business of the regional powers, mainly China and Russia. Now they should bear the responsibilities and share the burdens. There is probably more ground for competition after eliminating the threats in Afghanistan and especially in Central Asia for Moscow and Beijing. However, Russia and China will continue to try to align their interests in Afghanistan and Central Asia, especially if their relations with U.S. remain at the current level or worsen in the coming years. Conclusions: Based on the findings, this paper argues that, on the one hand, Russia and China continue to try to take advantage of the instability in the region by stepping up their security and economic influences in Central Asia. However, their stabilizing efforts in Afghanistan following the withdrawal of the U.S., ironically may increase competition between China and Russia.","PeriodicalId":124409,"journal":{"name":"Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126591370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Sovereignty as an environmental practice: the problem of territoriality and anthropocentrism 作为环境实践的主权:领土问题与人类中心主义

Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17575.1

Piotr Walewicz

{"title":"Sovereignty as an environmental practice: the problem of territoriality and anthropocentrism","authors":"Piotr Walewicz","doi":"10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17575.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17575.1","url":null,"abstract":"The article is a theoretical study of state sovereignty. By looking at the concept in a different way from traditional methods, it tries to discern whether sovereignty is necessarily antithetical to a sustainable world. Emphasis is put on its territoriality and anthropocentrism – both of which make it into a major obstacle when tackling global and transnational environmental problems. State sovereignty is analyzed as an environmental practice of the state, which allows for the control of resources to be used by capital. The analysis is conducted using theoretical and conceptual critique as the main method. It is based on various sources ranging from critical geopolitics and critical geography to political science and political ecology, including the concept of Capitalocene. As long as sovereignty remains utilized by the state in service to capital, it will be used to cement its ability to control space and extract resources. However, a different kind of sovereignty is imaginable and therefore the institution itself is neither friend nor enemy to environmental politics. This new understanding of sovereignty opens up new avenues for theoretical research in political ecology and International Relations, bridging the gap between traditional state-centric approaches and the transboundary nature of ecological problems.","PeriodicalId":124409,"journal":{"name":"Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124161363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The impact of COVID-19 on the Persian Gulf: the realist perspective 2019冠状病毒病对波斯湾的影响:现实主义视角

Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations Pub Date : 2022-10-13 DOI: 10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17585.1

W. Grabowski

{"title":"The impact of COVID-19 on the Persian Gulf: the realist perspective","authors":"W. Grabowski","doi":"10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17585.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17585.1","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to show the impact of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic on international relations and state policy in the Persian Gulf through the prism of realism theory. COVID-19 became a game changer for the domestic politics of the Persian Gulf countries and for the balance of power in that subregion. The application of realism reveals the statecraft of the Arab Persian Gulf during the pandemic to be a struggle for power and its consolidation. Therefore the hypothesis of the article holds that the authoritarian Arab Gulf states used the global COVID-19 pandemic crisis to consolidate and strengthen regime power and conduct humanitarian/mask/COVID-19 diplomacy toward the regimes most affected by the pandemic, shifting the geopolitical landscape. The first part of the article presents the general assumption of the analysis and the theoretical framework. The second and the third respectively discuss domestic and foreign policies of the Arab Persian Gulf states in the face of the pandemic, highlighting strengthening authoritarian tendencies and authoritarian bilateral cooperation. The fourth part relate to the Gulf Cooperation Council and its reaction on COVID-19. The last part draws on the theoretical framework adopted in the article offer conclusions that answer research questions.","PeriodicalId":124409,"journal":{"name":"Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127166061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Processes of globalisation and small and medium-sized cities 全球化进程和中小城市

Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17553.1

A. Szpak, Joanna Modrzyńska, Michał Dahl

{"title":"Processes of globalisation and small and medium-sized cities","authors":"A. Szpak, Joanna Modrzyńska, Michał Dahl","doi":"10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17553.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17553.1","url":null,"abstract":"Progressive urbanization, economic integration, and development of modern technologies lead to the emergence of a new generation of globally networked cities attracting capital, ideas and people. Size is not the most significant factor influencing the importance of a city. At least equally important are innovation, activity in city networks, the activity of the inhabitants and the quality of life. The research problem of this paper is the question whether and how small and medium-sized cities show their manifestations of globalisation? The hypothesis is that every city, including small and medium-sized ones, shows some manifestations of globalisation. Such manifestations may be classified as political, economic, socio-cultural, and other. The conclusions confirm that the hypothesis has been positively verified. The cities chosen for examination include the European cities of Arhus (Denmark), Basel (Switzerland), and Tallinn (Estonia) as they are representative for other small and medium-sized cities. The paper is based on qualitative research methods, primarily discourse analysis (e.g. strategies implemented by cities and political manifestos of local officials), multiple case studies, and literature analysis.","PeriodicalId":124409,"journal":{"name":"Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130718664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The gridlock of the Trans-Himalayan railway: China’s strategic calculations about Nepal 跨喜马拉雅铁路的僵局:中国对尼泊尔的战略考量

Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations Pub Date : 2022-08-10 DOI: 10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17507.2

G. Bhattarai

{"title":"The gridlock of the Trans-Himalayan railway: China’s strategic calculations about Nepal","authors":"G. Bhattarai","doi":"10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17507.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17507.2","url":null,"abstract":"Although discussion about connecting Chinese railways to Nepal borders first surfaced in the year 1973, it could not make any headway until the political change of 2006 in Nepal, when the idea of linking Tibet with Kathmandu resurfaced again. However, political instability in Nepal further thwarted it, at least until Nepal faced the Indian blockade in 2015 and had to look for ways to diversify its trade and transit. Thus, for Nepal, China’s railways offer an escape from its dependence on India for trade and transit. But, for Beijing, it offers a strategic gateway to enter South Asia, which is India’s conventional sphere of influence. Although Nepal and its northern neighbor China have agreed to connect Nepal’s capital Kathmandu with the Tibetan Autonomous Region of China through railways, the materialization of such a game-changer is not free from challenges. Against the same backdrop, the objective of this study is to discover various challenges faced by the trans-Himalayan railways including political, bureaucratic, economic, and environmental challenges, and to concurrently identify how the geopolitical challenge tops the list, halting Nepal’s ambition to ‘bridge’ India and China and instead aggravating the possibility of becoming a burden to both the Asian giants. While the available literature on China and South Asia is mostly concentrated on Belt and Road (BRI) projects, ‘debt trap’ narratives, and geopolitical rivalry between India and China, this study would be a new attempt to understand how China’s aim to get connected with South Asia via land is not free of impediments. Using the qualitative method, this study reviews the geopolitical challenges confronted by the trans-Himalayan railway in the context of territorial disputes between India and China in the Himalayan region and the U.S.-Indian strategic partnership to contain the rise of China and its ambitious connectivity projects.","PeriodicalId":124409,"journal":{"name":"Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125042592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

India’s evolving role as the ‘net security provider’ of the Indian Ocean region 印度作为印度洋地区“网络安全提供者”的角色正在演变

Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations Pub Date : 2022-05-31 DOI: 10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17487.1

Subhadeep Bhattacharya

{"title":"India’s evolving role as the ‘net security provider’ of the Indian Ocean region","authors":"Subhadeep Bhattacharya","doi":"10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17487.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17487.1","url":null,"abstract":"The unveiling of the Indo-Pacific strategy by USA has clubbed the two separate worlds-The Pacific and the Indian Ocean region- together, mingling the geopolitics of the two regions. This is done in the context of the growing maritime role of China along with her growing naval potentials. On the other hand, India, considered an important partner of the Indo-Pacific geopolitics, is lately taking extra care about her maritime interests in her immediate maritime neighbourhood, the Indian Ocean region (IOR). This activeness can be credited to the ‘Chinese intrusion’ in the Indian maritime neighbourhood. The role of India as the ‘net security provider’ of the IOR is resurfacing in the strategic corridors of New Delhi in the context of India’s unveiling of the Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) mission and her growing active role in the bilateral as well as multilateral maritime relations. In this context it becomes imperative to analyse the character of India’s Indian Ocean policy in retrospect in order to construe India’s potentials and preferences in the current Indo-Pacific geopolitics where she is undoubtedly an important player. India has been playing the role of net security provider of the IOR for quite some time now. Initially taking a non-combative defensive approach to the issue throughout the 1960s, India gradually turned assertive in the 1980s to safeguard her interests in the maritime zone. India, who inherited the baton from the British, was in two minds over how to maintain the dominance. Shedding off defensive mood, she turned assertive later to safeguard her interest in the IOR against ‘external intrusion’. After the Cold War, India shifted to collaborative approach without compromising with her prime Indian Ocean policy motto to maintain her pre-eminence in the region.","PeriodicalId":124409,"journal":{"name":"Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122426196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

New generation free trade agreements as a driver of institutional change: A case of Vietnam 新一代自由贸易协定作为制度变革的驱动力:以越南为例

Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17489.1

M. Boguszewski

{"title":"New generation free trade agreements as a driver of institutional change: A case of Vietnam","authors":"M. Boguszewski","doi":"10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17489.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17489.1","url":null,"abstract":"Institutional change, which, according to new institutional economics, is a precondition to economic development, is caused by several forces. In addition to destiny defined as ‘path dependence’, strategic choice understood as overall policy direction of the country, there are external forces named as ‘switchmen’, which might have decisive impact on the direction of the institutional change. This political economy analysis investigates the role of ‘new-generation free trade agreements’ (NGFTAs) as ‘switchmen’ in the process of institutional change using the case of Vietnam. Vietnam was selected as it is the fastest integrating developing country in Asia and a participant in most regional economic integration projects. The paper focuses on the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA) as the most advanced trade agreements ever concluded between developed and developing economies. Findings are based on selected ‘new generation’ provisions of the CPTPP and EVFTA, confirming the ‘switchmen’ role of the agreement in institutional change and the new institutional arrangement of Vietnam. Thus, despite the political constellations and stakeholders’ interests, NGFTAs are the decisive impulse for profound institutional change in Vietnam, which would not be possible without NGFTA commitments.","PeriodicalId":124409,"journal":{"name":"Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127150561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

History and education in post-conflict Colombia 冲突后哥伦比亚的历史和教育

Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations Pub Date : 2022-03-23 DOI: 10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17499.1

Sharon Rojas Yacamán, Sven Schuster

引用次数: 0

Treaty on Open Skies in a regional context: The implications of the US and the Russia’s decisions to withdraw from the treaty for the security of South Caucasus and Georgia. 区域背景下的开放天空条约:美国和俄罗斯决定退出南高加索和格鲁吉亚安全条约的影响。

Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17475.1

E. Suwara

{"title":"Treaty on Open Skies in a regional context: The implications of the US and the Russia’s decisions to withdraw from the treaty for the security of South Caucasus and Georgia.","authors":"E. Suwara","doi":"10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17475.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17475.1","url":null,"abstract":"The Treaty on Open Skies has been an important legal instrument contributing to global arms control in recent years. Signed in 1992, the Treaty on Open Skies allows the monitoring and collection of data on military potential through observation flights over one another’s territories, thus becoming a confidence-building and transparency measure among its signatories. The recent decisions by the US and Russia to withdraw from this agreement impact the security situation globally and regionally. They reflect a gradual erosion of the architecture of arms control that has been introduced since the end of the Cold War. Georgia remains the only state in the South Caucasus to be a signatory to this Treaty. It is also the only state in the region to remain (since 2008) in a conflict with Russia. While striving to join the EU and NATO, it lies on the land of strategic importance to Russia and other regional and global players. The main objective of this publication is to discuss the importance of the Treaty on Open Skies, considering its specificity from a regional perspective, and to assess the implications of the withdrawals of the US and Russia from the Treaty on security in Georgia and in the South Caucasus. Using a descriptive approach and legal-political analysis, the author discusses the creation, functioning, and causes of the breakdown of this legal-institutional system, while looking at its importance for global arms control and security related consequences it may trigger for the region. A closer look at the South Caucasus highlights the author’s belief in the Treaty’s critical role in the region and the importance of preserving its existence.","PeriodicalId":124409,"journal":{"name":"Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130102842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0