Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology最新文献

{"title":"The organization and management of a Tokyo Shinto Shrine Festival","authors":"C. Littleton","doi":"10.2307/3773583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773583","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1986-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126419994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Gender Roles and Social Change: A Mexican Case Study","authors":"C. Browner","doi":"10.2307/3773662","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773662","url":null,"abstract":"way. They may also refuse to participate in development programs if they feel the programs will undermine their relationships with their children. For example, reviewing Cornell University's development efforts in Vicos, Peru, Babb (1980:21, 30) found that many women refused to send their children to school because they saw education destroying traditional family unity. Bourque and Warren's (1981a, 1981b) work on development planning in Peru adds support to Babb's assertion, for they show that the rural women with whom they worked resisted changes that they believed threatened the women's access to vital resources. It therefore seems apparent that women are inherently neither more nor less conservative than men but instead will respond to social change initiatives based in part on how they perceive these initiatives will affect their instrumental ties to their children, and their children's ties to them. In concluding I must stress that while women may be more receptive than men to change programs that deal explicitly with children's needs, it is not correct to assume that the direction development policy should take lies in the continued segregation within development agencies of women's interests and concerns as mothers. As Papanek's (1977, 1981) writings have compellingly shown, the present emphasis in development planning on isolated programs and projects for women impedes their integration into broader development processes by sustaining the institutional and conceptual barriers that exist. While women's and men's differential relationship to societal structures and power bases does require that specific means be established to deal with their particular situations, women's projects alone cannot overcome the underlying obstacles. Gender-based economic and social asymmetry characterizes life throughout rural Mesoamerica, and women's and men's political interests often diverge as a result. Men typically seek to maintain economic and social dominance in part by monopolizing the political system and by designating themselves as guardians of the traditional community and its collective interests. Yet their hegemonic goals may force men to subordinate their family's interests to those of the community as those interests are defined by those in control. Women often have less interest than men in seeing the traditional community endure, for they are secondary to them both economically and socially. Also exeluded from formal political roles, they must further their own goals informally This content downloaded from 157.55.39.159 on Sun, 18 Sep 2016 06:28:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Gender Roles and Social Change 103 by manipulating interpersonal ties. Within such constraints women place a priority on building strong relationships with their children, which they hope will ultimately be reciprocal. They do so not only for affective reasons but also in an effort to insure their own future economic well being. Under these circum","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1986-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131297474","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Food classification in three pacific societies: Fiji, Hawaii and Tahiti","authors":"N. Pollock","doi":"10.2307/3773663","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773663","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of food in Fiji, Hawaii, and Tahiti contrasts markedly with that in parts of the western world. The most notable difference is that in Pacific societies the most general term for food is applied to the starchy component, particularly the root and tree starch foods such as taro and breadfruit. A second difference lies in the main components of a meal. In Fijian, Hawaiian, and Tahitian custom a meal consists of two parts, the starchy food and the accompanying item. Certain edible items, such as raw fruits and puddings, are not considered as components of a meal; they are not food in the same sense as the starchy foods and their accompaniments, but rather form a different category. A third difference lies in the structure of the language. In several central Pacific languages, such as Fijian, food items are marked by a specific term for possession by forming a class of nouns special to edible or food items. \"My taro\" is structurally distinct from \"my hand.\" In eastern Pacific languages such as Hawaiian and Tahitian, food items are part of what Clark (1979:257) calls two \"reduced\" (relative to Fiji) categories of possession, one dominant and one subordinate. On the basis of these three major differentiating features, we can examine more closely how food is conceptualized in Fiji, Hawaii, and Tahiti. The fit between ideas in one language and those in another may lead to distortions. In her discussion of human categorization Wierzbicka (1984), dem? onstrates how exact translation differs from operational usage. In particular, it may be necessary to focus on one selected area of social life, such as foods and their edibility, to see how another society categorizes them. By focusing on the food domain we can begin to understand some of the conceptual difficulties in translating one set of ideas between these Pacific languages with their particular cultural frameworks and English. The implications of such a classification system for the way people use their foodstuffs are important to help us learn how eating relates to their view of health and the good life. As Edema (1981:714) has demonstrated, folk classification systems of foodstuffs are an important part of a program to change food behavior and thus improve nutrition. The study of food classification may alert us to difficulties that could arise if nutrition education were to be based entirely on English or other Western concepts of food. The data used here are drawn from both fieldwork and published sources. Through collecting dietary data on food habits in the Marshalls, Takapoto, French Polynesia, Niue, and Fiji, the difficulties of translating between local concepts and English became apparent. The literature on Hawaii (Pukui and Elbert 1965; Handy and Handy 1972; Titcomb 1967) provides a source of comparison in some","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1986-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121864582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Killers, big men and priests on Malaita: rfelections on a melanesian troika system","authors":"R. Keesing","doi":"10.2307/3773736","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773736","url":null,"abstract":"One of the unfortunate distortions created by the elevation of the Big Man as anthropology's stereotyped Melanesian political leader has been a deflection of attention from warrior-leaders, .who in many parts of precolonial Melanesia had power and prestige greater than or coordinate with that of entrepreneurial leaders. Big Men have held center stage in the period of ethnographic observation partly because men whose prominence was achieved in warfare and feuding have been forcibly removed from the stage by pacification. The role men given to violence and destruction played, and the understanding of such men in folk psychology, will be examined for a part of seaboard Melanesia (Malaita, Solomon Islands) where a complementarity between warriors and peace-keeping entrepreneurial leaders was institutionalized. On Malaita three leadership roles were clearly distinguished: a priest, who maintained relations between a kin group and its ancestors; a Big Man, in the anthropologist's sense; and a war-leader/bounty-hunter. Drawing in particular on evidence from the Kwaio of central Malaita, I examine these three leadership roles both at the level of ideal and practice; and I examine notions of folk psychology that underlie them. Whereas some Malaita peoples to the northwest and southeast seem to have more neatly and directly institutionalized these as complementary leader? ship positions, their separation in practice among the Kwaio was considerably less neat than the \"troika idealization would suggest?and that too has interesting implications in terms of folk psychology. Despite the flexibility of actual practice, I will suggest that a distinction between positive powers of peace and stability (\"living\") and negative powers of violence and destruction (\"killing'V'destruction\") runs deep in Kwaio culture.","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1985-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131161247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Priests, carpenters and household heads: ritual performers in Japan","authors":"M. Ashkenazi","doi":"10.2307/3773740","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773740","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1985-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130302570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Contemprany custom: redefining domestic space in longana, Vanuatu","authors":"M. Rodman","doi":"10.2307/3773738","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773738","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1985-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134451628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Ritual Silks and Kowtow Money: The Bride as Daughter-in-Law in Korean Wedding Rituals","authors":"L. Kendall","doi":"10.2307/3773737","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773737","url":null,"abstract":"Reciprocite des dons lors des rituels de mariage coreens, en particulier dans deux ceremonies: le rituel de la soie ou yedan ou la fiancee et sa famille fournissent le costume de mariage du fiance, et celui de la \"monnaie de la prosternation\" ou p'yebaek ou la mariee recoit des clous d'argent en reconnaissance de son statut de belle-fille.","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1985-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133770215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Folk illnesses reported to physicians in the lower Rio Grande Valley: a binational comparison","authors":"H. Martin","doi":"10.2307/3773612","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773612","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1985-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132249839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Climate, clothing and body-part nomenclature","authors":"S. Witkowski, Cecil H. Brown","doi":"10.2307/3773610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773610","url":null,"abstract":"Several recent studies describe polysemous relationships that occur widely in languages. For example, approximately two-thirds of the languages of the world use a single term to designate both \"wood\" and \"tree\" (Witkowski, Brown, and Chase 1981), and almost one-half merge \"eye\" and \"face\" under a single term (Brown and Witkowski 1983). This paper documents occurrences of widespread polysemy involving terms for parts of human limbs.1 For instance, many geographically and genetically unrelated languages use a single term to denote \"hand\" and \"arm\" (hand/arm polysemy) and many equate \"foot\" and \"leg\" (foot/leg polysemy). Polysemy plays an important role in lexical change. The development of polysemy is a common means whereby languages encode new referents or alter the encoding of existing ones (Brown and Witkowski 1983). Typically this involves expanding a word for one referent to another when both referents bear a common \"meaning relation\" to one another (cf. Casagrande and Hale 1967; Lyons 1963, 1977). For example, hand is related to arm, and foot to leg, through physical connection or spatial contiguity. These limb parts are also components of the upper and lower limb respectively. In addition to these meaning relations, others such as class inclusion and likeness/resemblance often mediate polysemy development (Brown 1979a; Brown and Witkowski 1983). Development of polysemy typically involves extending a term for a high salience referent to one of low salience (Brown and Witkowski 1983). Referents may be high in salience for humans due to intrinsic properties that make them perceptually very distinct (Berlin, Boster, and O'Neill 1981; Hunn 1977) or because they are culturally very important (Witkowski and Brown 1983) or because of both of these factors. Labels associated with high salience referents tend strongly to be \"unmarked\" in languages; i.e., they are more frequent in use, simpler in form, and acquired earlier by children learning language than \"marked\" labels associated with low salience referents (Greenberg 1966, 1975). Evidence presented here indicates that hand and foot are regularly of high salience for humans compared to arm and leg respectively. Similarly, terms for the former are typically unmarked in languages compared to terms for the latter. Hence, polysemy development has commonly involved expansion of \"hand\" terms to arm and \"foot\" terms to leg rather than the reverse direction. The existence?and consequent cultural importance?of extensive wearing apparel in a society negatively influences the occurrence of limb polysemy. The presence of elaborate tailored clothing covering the limbs greatly increases the distinctiveness of limb parts and renders more likely their labeling by separate terms. In addition, ancillary apparel such as gloves, mittens, socks, shoes, and","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"138 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1985-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124332739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Pigs, cassowaries and the gift of the flesh: a symbolic triad in maring cosmology","authors":"C. Healey","doi":"10.2307/3773607","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773607","url":null,"abstract":"Symbolisme du casoar et du porc dans les echanges rituels a partir d'une recherche sur le terrain chez les Maring de Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinee| domestication des animaux et place du porc dans la cosmologie.","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"113 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1985-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134443044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}