人文中國學報最新文献

{"title":"論魏周平静禪代的底藴———以宇文泰壓制、拉攏元氏勢力爲中心的視角","authors":"勝源 胡","doi":"10.24112/sinohumanitas.352627","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.352627","url":null,"abstract":"LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. \u0000元氏勢力即使到西魏末實力仍不可小覷，宇文泰若要使其子順利代魏，便須對其既打壓又拉攏。宇文泰除以聯姻安撫元氏外，亦長期外放柱國獨孤信、大將軍宇文貴、楊忠、韋孝寬等忠於元氏者，使其不能預聞朝政。聯姻、賜姓或委以重任也是宇文泰拉攏忠於元氏者的慣用手段。宇文泰對元氏勢力中聲望、地位最高又死忠帝室的獨孤信，則不僅用聯姻拉攏、安撫，更在兩次攸關易代的會議上佈局親信打壓，營造魏周禪代的大勢。即使如此，易代的最後一步仍然艱辛，因最關鍵的執政繼位會議是在宇文泰已死，繼承人宇文覺幼小，未來執政宇文護“名位素下”的不利情況下進行的，若有些微差錯，宇文泰畢生心願即化爲烏有。因此魏周雖平静禪代，背後實藴含宇文泰多年心血，殊爲不易。 \u0000The power of the Yuan family remained formidable even at the end of the Western Wei dynasty. If Yuwen Tai (505-556) wanted his son to take over the throne of the Western Wei, he needed to draw the Yuan family to his side yet suppress it at the same time. In addition to appeasing the Yuan family through political marriages, Yuwen Tai also continuously relegated those loyal to the Yuan family to the outer fringes of the empire to remove them from court affairs. These people included: Dugu Xin (553-557), Pillar of State, and three Generals-in- chief, namely Yuwen Gui, Yang Zhong, and Wei Xiaokuan. Yuwen Tai also employed other methods such as political marriages, granting royal surnames, or making important appointments to absorb those loyal to the Yuan family. Dugu Xin enjoyed the highest renown and position among the Yuan faction and was also the most loyal to the Yuan royal family. Yuwen Tai not only attempted to win him over through marriage and canvassing; at two crucial meetings on abdication he also appointed his adherents to suppress him. All these measures were intended to create a general atmosphere of Wei ceding its throne to Zhou. Even so, the last stages of the abdication process were hampered because Yuwen Tai had already died before the most crucial meeting for the assignment of regent and successor. At that time, the successor Yuwen Jue was still young and the future regent Yuwen Hu had “long been ill-renowned.” Any minor mistake would have nullified Yuwen Tai’s lifelong plans. Therefore, the peaceful cession of the throne from Wei to Zhou was in fact ascribed to the many years of effort by Yuwen Tai and was indeed a difficult feat.","PeriodicalId":108589,"journal":{"name":"人文中國學報","volume":"412 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115789421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"釋《上博七•吳命》簡９之“■日”","authors":"詠健 李","doi":"10.24112/sinohumanitas.202158","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.202158","url":null,"abstract":"LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.\u0000《上博七•吳命》簡9有“■日”一詞，整理者隸作“■日”，讀爲“望日”。復旦讀書會將“■”改釋爲“暑”；郭永秉改讀爲“曙”；陳偉、沈培釋爲“是”；王連成釋爲“堤”。馮勝君將字形改隸作“■”，但在釋讀上仍從整理者説，釋爲“望”。本文綜考各家説法，認爲馮氏釋“■”爲“■（望）”最爲可信，惟“望”應讀爲“明”。“望”、“明”古音同屬明紐陽部，音近可通，二字於古籍中亦有相通例證。從文義上看，簡文“明日”，正相當於《左傳》中的“詰朝”，都是指交戰之期。要之，簡文“自明日以往，比五六日”，即“自明天開始，連續五六天”之意。\u0000備註：由於系統所限，部分特殊文字未能顯示，在此僅以■代替，相關原整文字煩請查看PDF檔案。不便之處，敬請見諒。\u0000Much has already been written since the publication of the seventh volume of The Chu Bamboo Slips of Warring States period collected at the Shanghai Museum (上海博物館藏戰國楚竹書), yet part of its contents remains undeciphered. This article attempts to elucidate the term “■日” from bamboo slip no. 9 of Wu-ming in three ways: character’s form, sound and meaning. After thoroughly examining the existing research, I agree with the opinion of Feng Sheng-Jun that “■” should be defined as “■”. Nevertheless, differing from the interpretation given by Feng, I believe that “■” should be read as “明” instead of “望” in the bamboo texts. The term “■日” is tantamount to “詰朝” found in Zuozhuan, which means “tomorrow”. In the context of Wu-ming, “明日” indicates the date of outbreak of war.\u0000Remark:Limited by the system, we cannot display certain special Chinese characters here. Please refer to the PDF file to view those characters. Thank you for your understanding.","PeriodicalId":108589,"journal":{"name":"人文中國學報","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123014125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"歐陽修《贈王介甫》“吏部文章二百年”用典爭議考","authors":"龍翔 姜","doi":"10.24112/sinohumanitas.342270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.342270","url":null,"abstract":"LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. \u0000歐陽修曾寫下“吏部文章二百年”詩句贈送給王安石，但後世文人對“吏部”指涉對象解釋紛歧，甚至産生許多扭曲二人形象的故事。此文透過分析歷代筆記、詩話作品中的相關記録，整理出宋朝文人對此詩句典故有不同的解釋，有以爲這是沈約稱讚謝朓之語，有以爲這是出自孫樵的文章。並且根據典故來源的不同説法，也發展出了影響二人形象的各種附會故事。這些探索多出於文人閲讀相關文獻時的個人領會，在未有明確證據的情況下，重新解讀詩歌典故，甚至不惜顛倒事實。此文更進一步探討歐陽修發揚韓愈文章的時間點，以及孫樵批評韓愈的用意，指出“吏部”確實指韓愈，“二百年”是歐陽修繼承韓愈文章的時間，“吏部文章二百年”是歐陽修創造的詩句，並無典故來源。透過此文的論述，除可釐清爭議之來龍去脈，對歐陽修、王安石二人形象有更確切的認識外，此文依資料産生順序臚列排比的比較方法，也有助於提供讀者實例，了解如何辨析詩話、筆記中對相關詩文典故説法的原則。 \u0000Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072) wrote a verse that reads “Two hundred years of writing of the Ministry of Personnel” to Wang Anshi (1021-1086). Scholars of later generations have different views on the referent of “Ministry of Personnel,” which resulted in distortion of the images of Ouyang and Wang in anecdotal records. By analyzing the journals and notes on poetry, this study surveys the different explanations of the allusion to the Ministry of Personnel found in Song- dynasty sources. Some argued that the phrase carries Shen Yue’s (441-531) praise of Xie Tiao (464-499), while others suggested that it was derived from the writing of Sun Qiao (ca. 867). The different theories on the source of this allusion have resulted in various anecdotes with denigration of the images of Ouyang and Wang. These speculative views were mainly based on the personal interpretation of respective scholars. Without offering specific evidence, these premature views of the allusion in the poem even form distortion of the truth. The present study further explores the time when Ouyang Xiu glorified the writing of Han Yu (768-824) and when Sun Qiao criticized Han, and thereby argues that “the Ministry of Personnel” refers to Han and “two hundred years” to the time when Ouyang Xiu succeeded Han’s literary legacy. The verse “two hundred years of writing of the Ministry of Personnel” was not an allusion but was Ouyang Xiu’s creation. This study can clarify the context of the controversy and reconstruct the accurate images of Ouyang Xiu and Wang Anshi. In addition, through an analysis of the sequence and comparison of relevant data, this study provides examples and allows readers to recognize and analyze the poetry and the interpretations of allusions as recorded and discussed in notes on poetry.","PeriodicalId":108589,"journal":{"name":"人文中國學報","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131707445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"載道與抒情：明清之際散文發展的兩種論述兼論古文與小品之關係","authors":"向昇 李","doi":"10.24112/sinohumanitas.342273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.342273","url":null,"abstract":"LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. \u0000新文學運動時期周作人不滿一般論文學史者對明清散文發展的論述，認爲他們一來抹殺了晚明小品，二來以桐城派概括清代文章太過籠統。因此他標榜晚明小品，推崇公安派的文學觀，甚至引爲新文學運動的同調。他的這一觀點影響巨大，後凡論述明清散文者無不論及小品文，衆多文學史著作也開始重視明清散文，且尤其推崇小品文。然而實際上這一現象的形成有一個發展的過程，背後涉及到了載道與抒情兩種文學觀之間的角力。兩種論述之間何者更爲準確？如何較爲客觀準確的描述明清之際散文的發展，以及古文與小品之間的關係，成爲了問題。本文擬從周作人對明清散文的論述切入，梳理前人對明清散文發展的兩種論述，並揭示這兩種論述背後的文學觀，從而指出周作人二分“言志”與“載道”的論述儘管未必準確，但對論述明清散文發展仍有重要意義：分析明清之際小品文作者的古文觀與古文家的小品文創作，可以知道小品與古文的關係並不如周作人所描述的那般對立，然而周作人所强調的“言志”與“載道”的緊張關係，正正是明清散文演變的内在動力。 \u0000During the New Culture Movement, Chou Tso-jen 周作人 was dissatisfied with general discussions on the development of Ming-Qing prose. He considered that these discussions left late-Ming essays unheeded and that they overgeneralized Qing-dynasty prose and placed it under the Tongcheng 桐城 School. Chou instead promoted late-Ming vignette essays and advocated the literary thoughts of the Gong’an 公安 School, even regarding them as a parallel of those from the New Culture Movement. These thoughts were highly influential. Ever since then, scholars who discussed prose of the Ming and Qing dynasties could not avoid mentioning vignette essays. Consequently, in most studies of Chinese literary history there has been an emphasis on Ming-Qing prose, especially vignette essays. In fact, this phenomenon was formed as a result of the competition of two literary thoughts, namely “representing the Way” 載道 and lyricism. There are some issues worth our consideration: Which of the two literary thoughts is more accurate? How can we evaluate prose development during the Ming-Qing transition in a fair and accurate manner? What is the relationship between classical prose and vignette essays? Starting from Chou’s disagreement with discussions of Ming-Qing prose, the present study aims to clarify the two discussions on the development of the prose of Ming-Qing times and discuss their literary thoughts. Although the discussion of the dichotomy of “expressing one’s aspiration” 言志 and “representing the Way” by Chou is not accurate, his discussion of the development of Ming-Qing prose is of significance. Based on the analysis of the views of classical prose of Ming-Qing essayists, we observe a less tense relationship between vignette essays and classical prose than what Chou discussed. However, his emphasis on the tense relationship between “expressing one’s aspiration” and “representing the Way” became the major motivation for change and development of Ming-Qing prose.","PeriodicalId":108589,"journal":{"name":"人文中國學報","volume":"703 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132876978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"以“父”爲名：《紅樓夢》中的賈政新論","authors":"麗娟 歐","doi":"10.24112/sinohumanitas.342274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.342274","url":null,"abstract":"LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. \u0000《紅樓夢》聚焦於貴族階層，書寫百年世家面臨末世的歷程，其主軸之一即家業傳承之必須，因此特重門風與子孫教育，尤其每一代的家族繼承人最是攸關重大，關於資質禀賦、性格特質、培育塑造皆有一定的脈絡可循，並建構出榮國府之世代軸心群，尤以賈政最體現了完整乃至完善的“貴族子裔之成長模式”。本文納入“父親”的概念以及“男性成長”的啓蒙議題，聚焦於賈府第三代的賈政，採取回歸傳統雅文化脈絡的視角、把握文本内容的全面基礎而重新探討此一人物的立體面相與縱深層次，就其以“政”爲名、以“存周”爲字，再以幾乎成爲杜甫之代稱的“工部員外郎”爲職銜的設計，闡發諸特定詞彙所内藴的文化指涉，並彼此互文而强化出一個正統菁英分子的完美典範，即以周公、杜甫與第一代始祖賈法爲重像，結合“正”字所代表的方正、官長之義，以及“攵”字所象徵的父親之義，從煉石場走到補天域，完整演繹了寶玉的前驅、同道與未來。明乎此，更能奠立堅穩的人物評論參照系，爲《紅樓夢》的創作宗旨、文化意義提供正確的定位。 \u0000The Dream of the Red Chamber narrates a story of a century-old aristocratic family (世家), which would finally face its decline. One main concern of an aristocratic family is to assure the endurance of its family career (家業). For this concern it is very important to educate the children, especially the family heirs, to keep the family reputation (門風). The Jia mansions education covers the recognition, cultivation and shaping of youngers’ talents and personality traits. Its long-lasting achievements constitute the generational axis of the Rong-guo Mansion (榮國府). Among these generation heirs, the Jia Zheng case well represents a complete and almost ideal “growth model” of an aristocratic male- child. The article incorporates the notion of “Father” and the enlightenment issue of “male growth” and focuses on Jia Zheng, the third-generation heir of the Jia mansions. I adopt a perspective of returning to the traditional elegant cultural context and re-discuss the three-dimensional aspect and depth of this character on the basis of the overall text content. Regarding the design of his name (政, “Politics”), his courtesy name 字 (存周, Cuenzhou, keeping Zhou), his official career title (工部員外郎, which has almost become Du Fu’s surrogate name), I explain the cultural references contained in this specific vocabulary, which mutually connoting each other to strengthen an ideal example of orthodox elites, namely, a combined image of Zhou Gong (周公), Du Fu and Jiafa the first-generation ancestor of the Jia Family. Further, the name 政 is combined from 正 and 攵; the former connotes a meaning of rectitude and ruler, the latter symbolizes the father. Thus, in the mythological and allegorical image, from the stone-in-smelting to the stone-patching-the-broken-sky, Jia Zheng leads and exhibits a role for Jia Bao-yu’s forerunner, on-the-way company, and a would-be future. The analysis on Jia Zheng helps to establish a firmer reference frame for comments on characters of The Dream of the Red Chamber. It also helps to provide a correct positioning for the creation purpose and cultural significance of the novel.","PeriodicalId":108589,"journal":{"name":"人文中國學報","volume":"2003 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125769263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"論明末清初女性詞評出現“林下風”傾向的内涵與社會文化意義","authors":"岸洪 莫","doi":"10.24112/sinohumanitas.342272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.342272","url":null,"abstract":"LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. \u0000明末清初（約明代崇禎年間到清代康熙年間），女性詞評出現一股“林下風”傾向的潮流：即用“林下風”作爲正面批評女性詞的標準，頻繁出現於明末清初涉及女性詞評的文獻中，而其中詞評部分佔最大比例的是對晚明和清初女詞人的評論。明末清初對女性詞評的“林下風”傾向與當時詞壇的風氣轉變密切相關。明代中期以來在尊崇婉約及易安體爲正宗的詞壇背景下，女性詞受到了空前的重視和揄揚。評論女詞人著意强化“林下風”，其實標舉的是女性詞人其詞具有男性詞人的“閒雅”、“淡遠”、“混茫”的風格内涵，與“儂婉”、“纖佻”、具有“脂粉之態”的閨秀詞是相異的，這具有言過其實的成分，其實是有意將女詞人抬舉到名士的地位，這是顛倒性别的批評名士化的傾向，其名士内涵是風雅儒生、有才文士。這根源於明末清初出現才女“名士化”傾向的社會文化背景：包括推崇“才情”的女性觀；“女務外學”的社會背景；才女品藻的名士化傾向。從中可看出，女性的詞體創作地位在當時文壇得到較大提升，女性的社會文化地位也在一定程度上得到提升。但也是女性詞評無法突破以男性爲中心批評標準的體現，女性仍然是在男權的社會框架下處於弱勢的社會文化地位。 \u0000The “Style of Under-the-Grove” became a standard, positive appraisal of ci- poems by woman writers, which is frequently found in documents of the late Ming to early Qing times (mid to late 17th century) that involve criticism of ci-poems by woman writers. This trend of identifying the “Style of Under-the-Grove” in the remarks on ci-poems by woman writers of the time is closely related to the changes in the poetic arena. Since the middle of the Ming when the feminine ci style of the past enjoyed high esteem, the works by woman writers were given unprecedented attention and praise. The emphasis on the “Style of Under-the-Grove” in the remarks on ci poetesses is a purposeful act of highlighting the “elegant,” “remote,” and “unrestrained” styles, which are usually found in works by male poets. These styles differ drastically from the typical boudoir ci-poems marked by “subtlety,” “delicateness,” and “bearings of rouge and makeup.” These kinds of remarks are exaggerating; their real intent was to raise the status of these poetesses to the same level as the renowned scholars of the time. This is a trend of reversing gender priority and a criticism of making renowned scholars, an appellation for elegant intellectuals and talented scholars. This trend originated in the socio-cultural context of late Ming and early Qing times, when talented women were compared with and even “made” scholars of great renown. This context included the promotion of talents of ladies, pursuing “external studies,” and evaluating talented women by adopting the standard of a male scholar of renown. It can be seen that the status of ci writing by female poets saw a significant rise, and the socio-cultural status of women was also raised to a certain extent. However, it also reflects that remarks of ci-poetry by women cannot break through the standard of male-centered criticism. Women were still in a weak socio-cultural position under the patriarchal social framework.","PeriodicalId":108589,"journal":{"name":"人文中國學報","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115873883","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"《左傳》接受與貞觀視角———以《群書治要》截録“華元食士”爲例","authors":"瑞麟 張, 朝成 林","doi":"10.24112/sinohumanitas.342268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.342268","url":null,"abstract":"LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. \u0000貞觀五年魏徵等人編纂《群書治要》，該書究竟有無思想内涵？如果有，應該如何把握？根據序文，魏徵意圖編纂一部不同於《皇覽》、《遍略》，講求文義、見本知末、治國理政、合時可用的經世群書文本。因此，如何從截録自古籍的文句，挖掘出藴含編纂者詮釋的叙述，致用就是問題的關鍵。本文挑選《群書治要·左傳》裏的一則記載———“華元食士”，以此爲切入點，透過文脈的分析與語境的掌握，明晰《群書治要·左傳》藴含異於《左傳》的視角與意義。文分三大部分，一者，以經典還原的方式，掌握《左傳》取捨先後面貌，以爲詮釋基礎；二者，透過掌握“華元食士”記載的歷史解讀，定位唐代解讀的取向；三者，説明“羊斟敗國”到“華元食士”評價觀點的異同，以及透過《貞觀政要》的語境外證與《群書治要》編纂意圖的内證，彰顯此思想的内涵。經過以上的分析，藉由“華元食士”叙述取向關注“恩結人心”的情感、重視“屈己得人”互動的人際經營，顯見《群書治要》擁有反映時代的思想特色，“以編代作”的詮釋意圖，所以持續從文本的比對與詮釋，拓展《群書治要》的思想研究有其重要性。 \u0000The Qunshu zhiyao is an anthology compiled by Wei Zheng (580-643) and his team in 603. Does this book embrace any specific ideology? If so, how should one ensure understanding of such an ideology? According to the preface to the Qunshu zhiyao, Wei Zheng intended to compile an anthology that would differentiate itself from two predecessors, the Huanglan and Bianlue. By laying emphasis on the meaning of the text, he aimed to reveal the causes and effects of events in order to illustrate governing principles and provide practical solutions to contemporary issues. Therefore, the book was intended to uncover the implicit interpretation of the editors of the sources from which he excerpted the texts that became the entries of his compilation. Practicality is one such key principle. The present article discusses a Zhuozhuan narrative on “Hua Yuan Feeding His Soldiers” anthologized in the Qunshu zhiyao, contrasting the perspective and meaning in this excerpt in the Tang compilation with the Zhuozhuan original context. \u0000This article has three goals: (1) to identify the differences between the original Zhuozhuan and its edited version by means of restoration of the original status of the classic; (2) to reconstruct the Tang preferences of interpretation through collecting and surveying historical interpretations of the narrative on “Hua Yuan Feeding His Soldiers”; and (3) to explain the differences and similarities between the critical perspectives of “Yang Zhen Causing Downfall of His State” and “Hua Yuan Feeding His Soldiers” to discover how the ideology embedded within was intended to be justified and illuminated in light of the context of the Zhenguan zhengyao and the editorial principles of the Qunshu zhiyao. \u0000The present study comes to a conclusion that the narrative on “Hua Yuan Feeding His Soldiers” centers on “winning people‘s hearts” and “humbling oneself to win support from people.” The former reveals human affections while the latter concerns relationship management. While it is apparent that the Qunshu zhiyao reflects ideologies of the Tang dynasty, there is also a clear attempt by the editors to proclaim their interpretations when selecting excerpts from ancient classics rather than writing new works. Therefore, comparative and interpretative study of these texts is essential in deepening our understanding of the ideology of the Qunshu zhiyao.","PeriodicalId":108589,"journal":{"name":"人文中國學報","volume":"241 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128974795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"杜甫詩史與六義之比興———兼論叙事歌行與《春秋》筆削","authors":"高評 張","doi":"10.24112/sinohumanitas.342269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.342269","url":null,"abstract":"LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. \u0000晉杜預，爲杜甫十三世祖，著《春秋經傳集解》，其《序》文特提微、婉、顯、晦之法，懲惡勸善之義。揭示叙事傳統無數法門，爲《春秋》學之一大功臣。杜甫三十歲時，曾作《祭遠祖當陽君文》，宣稱不敢忘本，不敢違仁。於是《春秋》與詩，同爲杜氏家學。杜甫流離隴蜀，所作敍事歌行，世號“詩史”，《本事詩》所謂“推見至隱，殆無遺事”者。叙事傳人之際，遂多《春秋》書法之體現。諸如屬辭比事，筆削顯義；據事直書，美惡自見；微婉顯晦，推見至隱；以小該大，因彼見此；偏載略取，舉輕明重；直斥不宜，曲筆諱飾；彼此相形、前後相絜，行屬辭比事之法；詳略、異同、重輕、忽謹，指義見乎筆削，其大者焉。杜甫於安史之亂前後所作敍事歌行，如《麗人行》、《哀江頭》、《贈花卿》、《戲作花卿歌》、《丹青引贈曹將軍霸》、《韋諷録事宅觀曹將畫馬圖歌》、《觀公孫大娘弟子舞劍器行》諸什，除轉化《春秋》書法爲詩史之外，且多寓抒情於叙事之中。正杜甫稱元結《舂陵行》，所謂“比興體制”；章學誠所稱：“必通六義比興之旨，而後可以講春王正月之書。”叙事傳統，可以兼涵抒情傳統，由杜甫詩史，“比興發於真機，美刺該夫衆體”，可見一斑。 \u0000Du Yu (222-285) of the Jin Dynasty was the great, great-grandfather of Du Fu (712-770) by thirteen generations. In the “Introduction” to his Variorum of the Spring and Autumn Annals with Zuo’s Commentaries, Du Yu described four devices of the classics, namely “subtlety,” “euphemism,” “manifestation,” and “ambiguity”; as well as the significance of punishing the evil and commending the virtuous. He illustrated countless devices of the narrative tradition and became a great contributor to the study of Spring and Autumn Annals. Du Fu wrote “A Funeral Oration for My Remote Ancestor, Lord of Dangyang” when he was thirty years old, in which he claims that he does not dare to forget his origin nor go against the principle of benevolence. Therefore, both the Spring and Autumn Annals and poetry became the legacy of the Du family. When Du Fu wandered to the Long and Shu regions in southwestern China, he wrote poems in the form of narrative ballad, which won him the sobriquet of “poet-historian.” Meng Qi (jinshi 875) in his Benshi shi praised him for “inferring the most obscure content without missing anything.” Du Fu employs devices of the Spring and Autumn Annals in writing narratives and biographical accounts. These devices include combining diction and enumeration of allusions, revealing meaning in refined wording; providing a faithful account of events to unveil the good and bad; inferring the most obscure content in subtle, indirect, manifesting, and ambiguous ways; including the whole picture with one small part and realizing one thing by means of another; recording minor and abridged details and illuminating the important through the minor; directly condemning the indecent and writing euphemistically to hide it if necessary; contrasting one part with another and establishing the foreground and background; deploying diction and allusions; and the most important points concern how the acts of recording and deletion reflect one’s choice between giving details or simplifying, disagreement and agreement, stressing and ignoring, and neglecting and taking seriously. During the An Lushan Rebellion, Du Fu wrote some narrative poems in ballad form, such as “The Beautiful Ladies,” “Lament by the Riverside,” “To Minister Hua,” “A Song on Minister Hua Written Playfully,” “Song of Painting, a Gift Poem for General Cao Ba,” “Viewing a Painting of a Horse By General Cao at Secretary Wei’s Residence,” and “Watching a Sword ","PeriodicalId":108589,"journal":{"name":"人文中國學報","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121190478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"論“天民”“大人”之際：《孟子•盡心上•有事君人者》章新詮","authors":"棕琦 王","doi":"10.24112/sinohumanitas.342265","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.342265","url":null,"abstract":"LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.\u0000前賢在分析“有事君人者”章時，往往著眼“天民者”中的“天”字，以爲“天民”即大德、其德如天之民。然而，這種解讀方式一方面無視了在《孟子》裏所有作名詞用的“天民”其實都解作“天生之民”，另一方面則無視了“有事君人者”章中的“大人”境界仍在其之上的事實。例如朱熹在解釋“天民”時指出“必其道可行於天下，然後行之；不然則寧没世不見知而不悔，不肯小用其道以殉於人也”，這就跟《孟子》“大丈夫”“得志，與民由之；不得志，獨行其道”的描述幾乎無異。《孟子》中的“大丈夫”其實就是“大人”，换言之，在朱熹的解釋下，“有事君人者”章中的“天民”跟“大人”竟變得毫無分别。有見及此，本文嘗試另覓出路，以《孟》證《孟》之法，指出“天民者”與“大人”之差異在於前者著重外在事功而後者著重内聖功夫。本文繼而還原“有事君人者”章之本貌，並結合《孟子》“民爲貴”章分析，論證“有事君人者”章中“天民”實爲動賓結構，“天”作動詞用，“民”則爲受事者，“天民者”解作“定天下四海之民者”。在方法學上，本文嘗試指出在解讀早期中國文本時，有必要兼顧義理與語文學的角度。\u0000The phrase tianmin zhe 天民者 in Mencius 7A:19 has always been rendered as people who possess heavenly virtue, that is, the greatest virtue. Although widely accepted nowadays, this interpretation is untenable for two reasons. First, the phrase tianmin 天民, when used by Mencius in other contexts, consistently means “all people under heaven” 天下之民 or “the subjects of heaven” 天生之民. In other words, the term has never been used to denote morality. Second, to understand tianmin zhe as people who possess the greatest virtue is to ignore the fact that “the great men” 大人 in 7A:19 actually surpass tianmin zhe in terms of morality.\u0000Since the traditional interpretation is untenable, this essay suggests that the phrase tianmin should rather be understood as a verb-object construction. Tianmin zhe are people who, acting on behalf of heaven, put into practice benevolent governance. The word tian, when used as a verb, means taking care of and feeding common people in a way reminiscent of heaven giving birth to and feeding common people. This essay also argues that the important difference between tianmin zhe and “the great men” is that an former lays a heavy emphasis on the pursuit of external political accomplishments, whereas the latter sets their minds on achieving internal sagacity. Since only the latter is regarded as the ideal type in the Confucian tradition, it is only natural that Mencius places “the great men” at the top of the hierarchy in 7A:19.","PeriodicalId":108589,"journal":{"name":"人文中國學報","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133386208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"彭玉平：《況周頤與晚清民國詞學》","authors":"惠國 朱","doi":"10.24112/sinohumanitas.342276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.342276","url":null,"abstract":"LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only. \u0000彭玉平教授《況周頤與晚清民國詞學》是其繼《王國維詞學與學緣研究》之後的又一部力作，該書的出版不僅是況周頤研究的一次重大突破，也將對當下不斷趨熱的晚清民國詞學研究産生積極影響。對於該書的學術評價，王兆鵬教授在序中用高度、深度、廣度、氣度八個字從四個方面加以概括，非常精煉，也比較周全，符合實際。除了王教授總結的四點外，該書的研究方法也比較有特點，值得關注與借鑒。(撮要取自內文首段)","PeriodicalId":108589,"journal":{"name":"人文中國學報","volume":"111 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114628473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}