Regional & federal studies最新文献

{"title":"Obituary","authors":"Eve Hepburn, Wilfried Swenden","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2273098","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2273098","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135635459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Farewell note: a decade as RFS Editor","authors":"Michaël Tatham","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2274864","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2274864","url":null,"abstract":"This farewell note reflects on a decade of editorship for Regional & Federal Studies (RFS). It draws on this experience to highlight some areas of change and continuity in the journal’s life, the publishing industry, and the profession at large. Over this time interval (2012-2023), the journal has gone through changes in personnel and editorial strategies. Meanwhile, both academia in general and academic journals in particular have undergone processes of professionalization and digitalization, with knock-on effects on how they function. Publishing models are changing, but also publishing patterns in terms of author characteristics (gender, geographical origin, career stage). To some extent, academic journals are a microcosm of the profession and of certain societal trends. In the midst of this, Editors continue their work, both adapting to these evolutions and seeking to steer them in a meaningful way.","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"29 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135933919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Authoritarianism, democracy and de/Centralization in federations: what connections?","authors":"Paolo Dardanelli, John Kincaid, Katharine Adeney, Lorena Moscovich, Juan Cruz Olmeda, Rogerio Schlegel, Rotimi Suberu, Filippo Boni, Santiago Lacroix Eussler","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2274861","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2274861","url":null,"abstract":"What is the impact of democracy/authoritarianism regime change on de/centralization in federations? Based on the annual coding of three politico-institutional aspects, 22 policy fields, and five fiscal categories, this article maps de/centralization in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Nigeria and Pakistan from the establishment of their respective federal orders to 2020. It shows that de/centralization varies greatly across its different dimensions as well as between systems, with centralization being the dominant long-term trend but with significant exceptions, notably Pakistan. Regime change plays a major role in de/centralization but not always in line with the usual expectation that authoritarian regimes centralize and democratic ones decentralize. Other factors that cut across the authoritarianism/democracy divide, notably ideological orientations, have substantial impacts on de/centralization. By investigating long-run patterns of de/centralization in federations that have experienced democracy/authoritarianism regime change, the article sheds light on how federalism operates beyond consolidated democracies.","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136381168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Transitioning from aggregated bipartism: state elections in Malaysia, May 2018–March 2022","authors":"Chin-Huat Wong","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2271413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2271413","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis election article explains Malaysia’s winding democratization trajectory from one-coalition predominance (1957–1990) to aggregated bipartism (1990–2015, with intermissions) to fluid multipartism (particularly in the aftermath of 2020 to the present day), with the help of multilevel party system framework. The findings demonstrate that state-level dynamics can facilitate or impede the formation and sustenance of aggregated bipartism, known as the Two-Coalition System, in Malaysia. I identify the state-level factors that affect the emergence of, and disruptions to, aggregated bipartism in 1990-2015, and analyse the outcome of 16 state elections held between May 2018 and March 2022 amidst Malaysia’s transition from aggregated bipartism.KEYWORDS: Malaysiamultilevel party systemaggregated bipartismstate electionsethnic politicsparty reduction Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 For simplicity and consistency, election years are used to demarcate phases or periods, except for the starting of fluid multipartism in 2015.2 The unsustainability of this brief revival of BN’s hegemony is explained in Wong (Citation2018).3 The details of parties and coalitions mentioned in this article are provided in Appendix 1 in the online depository.4 An extended bibliography on Malaysian party politics is provided in Appendix 2 in the online depository.5 The current names of MCA and other parties are used here for ease of reference.6 Some may argue that bipartism emerged only in 1999 when the major opposition parties formally formed one coalition, BA, or only existed between 2008 and 2015 when PR competed rigorously against BN as a unified bloc controlling at least three states. However, as explained later, the formations and disintegrations of GR-APU, BA and PR were too similar for the quarter century (1990–2015) to not be seen as a party system distinctive from the periods before and after, notwithstanding the two intermissions in 1995–1999 and 2004–2008 which saw a brief revival of one-coalition predominance.7 GRS eventually evolved to exclude BN and national parties except Bersatu’s Sabah chapter.","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"23 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135273218","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The state <b>The state</b> , by Philip Pettit, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 2023, 360 pp., £35 (hardcover), ISBN 9780691182209","authors":"Alberto González Fernández","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2272129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2272129","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135616982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Navigating complexity: exploring the changing dynamics of coalition avoidance in Germany, 1946–2023","authors":"Martin Gross, Jochen Müller, Christian Stecker, Marc Debus","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2268532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2268532","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTState elections in Germany’s multi-level polity have important implications for politics at both the regional and the federal level: state governments’ composition makes a difference for both policy outputs and the federal government’s political leeway. We provide novel insights into long-term trends in state elections, including aspects of voting behavior, party systems, and government formations, covering elections between 1946 and 2023. We argue that the commonly held belief that state parties try to avoid coalitions bridging the government-opposition divide at the federal level is dependent on the level of legislative party system fragmentation. Furthermore, we argue that fragmentation influences the formation likelihood of ‘grand coalitions’ between CDU/CSU and SPD. Using conditional logit models, we find empirical support for our theoretical arguments. We contribute to a deeper understanding of the complexities of Germany’s multi-level polity and emphasize the need to consider evolving voting behavior and party competition patterns in coalition analyses.KEYWORDS: Regional electionsgovernment formationGermanycongruence Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Scholars used the German case to study party systems and their changes (e.g. Wagner Citation2023), voting behavior (e.g. Müller Citation2018), parties’ policy positions and issue emphasis (e.g. Bräuninger et al. Citation2020; Gross, Krauss, and Praprotnik Citation2023), government formation and coalition politics (e.g. Debus Citation2008; Gross and Krauss Citation2021), and the policy-effects of different political constellations (e.g. Jeffery et al. Citation2014).2 Federal- and state-level electoral institutions are quite similar across states regarding their mixed electoral systems, electoral thresholds, and electoral terms. Since these aspects are covered extensively by Müller (Citation2018) and because none of the respective factors have been changed in the last years, we do not explain them in great detail here.3 The smoothing line represents a curve generated using a local regression technique known as loess, implemented in ggplot’s geom_smooth-function in R.4 The NPD narrowly did not make it into the Bundestag in 1969, was voted out of the state parliaments and it only had a short-lived revival 35 years later.5 Besides the SED, the ‘block parties’ consisted of the East German CDU, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDPD), the National Democratic Party of Germany (NDPD) and the Democratic Farmers’ Party of Germany (DBD).6 Except from the CSU the PDS has been regarded as the most successful regionalist party between 1990 and 2005 (Hepburn and Hough Citation2012).7 This period is also marked by the lowest electoral volatility scores (see Figure 1).8 Yet, a pure policy-seeking perspective finds little surprise in this government as all three parties have been ideologically closer to each other compared to all other (majority) coali","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135617820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Local autonomy around the world: the updated and extended Local Autonomy Index (LAI 2.0)","authors":"Andreas Ladner, Nicolas Keuffer, Alexander Bastianen","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2267990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2267990","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents an extension and update of the Local Autonomy Index (LAI) under the name LAI 2.0. It applies the comprehensive methodology of the LAI 1.0 to 57 countries over 30 years (1990–2020), including almost all EU, CoE and OECD member states. Looking at the overall results, over thirty years, the LAI has increased around 7–8%, albeit less important in the most recent period of 2015–2020. The biggest increase is to be found in the Central and Eastern European countries. Conversely, some countries (e.g. Hungary and Belarus) have seen a decrease in local autonomy. The highest ranking countries include the Nordic countries and Switzerland, whereas South-Eastern European countries generally score the lowest. We view the LAI as a springboard to academics and policymakers for a more comprehensive and empirically based understanding of local autonomy over time.","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135995316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Patterns of political career movements in multi-level systems: a cross-national comparison of twenty-seven countries","authors":"Elena Semenova, Keith Dowding","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2269859","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2269859","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTWe introduce the special issue and provide an extensive review of the career patterns of politicians in twenty-seven multi-level countries worldwide, the largest number ever analyzed. Based on the wider evidence we provide a new synthesis and explanation of those patterns. While supporting previous claims on some of those factors our analysis shows that political, party, and electoral system features provide the strongest explanations for divergence in the development of career movement patterns in multi-level systems worldwide. We also introduce a set of novel factors, most notably, the existence of a dominant party, power-sharing agreements, and asymmetrical federal design. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of our research and identify new avenues of research on political careers and comparative federalism.KEYWORDS: Political careerspolitical elitesfederalismmultilevel governanceambitionmultilevel countries AcknowledgementsThe data collection was partly conducted within The Australia–Germany Joint Research Cooperation Scheme project ‘Political careers in federal countries: methodological and theoretical challenges’, which was financially supported by the German Academic Exchange Service and the Federal Ministry of Education and Research of Germany (PIs: Elena Semenova and Keith Dowding; project number: 57217420) and the Universities Australia.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 However, while true of some countries (such as Argentina), it is not so in the Mexican case (Jones, Sanguinetti, and Tommasi Citation2000; Diaz-Cayeros Citation2006).2 Other researchers also use this typology (e.g., Botella et al. Citation2010; Stolz Citation2015; Grimaldi and Vercesi Citation2018).3 In this review, we do not cover careers in the European Union, focusing rather on careers in individual countries.4 For countries of South Asia and Southeast Asia, the influence of British parliamentarism led to the establishment of a specific type of a political system (Eastminster parliamentarism), which differs from the British Westminster system (for a post-colonial perspective on Eastminster systems, see Kumarasingham Citation2016).5 This decision, among others, was a catalyst for the Tigray War (see Gemechu Citation2023).6 Of course, in addition to legally binding power-sharing agreements, political families come to informal agreements about contesting political offices at various territorial levels. More than 60 percent of Pakistani federal politicians belong to a political family – that is, have relatives with experience in the federal and/or provincial legislature (Mufti and Mohsin Ali Citationthis issue). Political families also install their relatives at the local level, helping to control financial resources distributed for constituency-level work: e.g., in Venezuela (Morgan Citation2018) and the United Arab Emirates (Yaghi and Antwi-Boateng Citation2015).Additional informationFund","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135994893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Political careers and stability in office of regional ministers in Italy","authors":"Matteo Boldrini, Selena Grimaldi","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2268524","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2268524","url":null,"abstract":"Models of political representation and selection in the Italian regions have undergone major changes since the mid-1990s, due to the new framework of opportunities based on a presidential form of government and a new party system. We aim to understand the extent to which certain socio-economic characteristics and political profiles influence the stability of the tenure of Regional Ministers (RMs), using an original dataset of 1121 RMs in ordinary statute regions. Our results show that political affiliation and regional political experience are crucial for holding office and even certain socio-economic features such as gender and age. Indeed, centrist politicians are less likely to remain in office than those who belong to other parties. Furthermore, they are more likely to stay in office longer if they have a high level of regional experience.","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135854543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Protecting the climate to challenge the centre? Secessionism and climate policy preferences in Catalonia","authors":"Joan Enguer, Rosa M. Navarrete","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2263834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2263834","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTClimate policy is mostly ruled by national governments, which in multi-level systems creates tensions with sub-national tiers. Recent research has suggested that political parties’ climate policy preferences and their stances on decentralisation are associated as pro-peripheral parties tend to assume the role of climate pioneers not solely due to environmental concerns, but also as a means to challenge the central authority of the state. In this research, we analyse whether the salience of climate change in the manifestos of parties competing in the 2017 and 2021 Catalan regional elections varies between them and if these differences are associated with the aforementioned cleavage. Our empirical findings reveal that the prominence given to climate change in the manifestos of the parties studied tends to be higher the more pro-periphery the positions of parties are, and the more salient decentralisation and independence.KEYWORDS: Climate policysubnational electionscentre–peripherygreen nationalismregional parties AcknowledgementsWe would like to thank Professor Dr. Jale Tosun for her helpful comments and recommendations to previous versions of this article. Likewise, we appreciate the feedback received from the members of the research team ‘DeepDCarb’ (https://www.deepdcarb.org) as well as from various participants at the Council for European Studies’ Twenty-Eighth International Conference of Europeanists. Finally, we would like to extend our heartfelt appreciation to the editor, Christina Zuber, for her diligent work in reviewing our manuscript and her constructive feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The coding of the manifestos was carried out by the first author, followed by an intra-coder reliability check to ensure consistency in the coding process. In a subsequent step, the quasi-sentences within the manifestos written in Spanish Castilian were independently coded by the second author to assess inter-coder reliability. It is worth noting that any misclassifications primarily affected sub-categories and did not significantly impact the overall outcome.2 ‘Pro environment’, ‘pro-climate policy’, ‘pro lower carbon energy’, ‘pro lower carbon transport’, ‘pro carbon sinks’, ‘planning’, ‘agriculture and food’, ‘waste’, and ‘anti-growth’.3 ’Pro roads’, ‘pro aviation and shipping’, ‘pro fossil fuel’, ‘anti-environment’, ‘anti climate’, ‘anti-nuclear’, ‘pro-growth’, ‘anti-taxes’, ‘pro tourism’, and ‘pro global free trade’.4 Original text: ‘Des de les mateixes institucions catalanes caldrà garantir que els projectes de reconstrucció derivats de la pandèmia estiguin alineats amb els objectius socials, econòmics, i climàtics que contempla el European Green Deal, i que una part d’ells siguin directament impulsats pel món local’.5 Original text: ‘Hem de ser capaços, a través del nou planejament d’ordenació territorial, d’identificar a escala territorial els principals riscos climàtics ","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"73 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135425341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}