多层次系统中政治生涯运动的模式:27个国家的跨国比较

Elena Semenova, Keith Dowding
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引用次数: 0

摘要

摘要本文介绍了专刊,对全球27个多层次国家的政治家职业模式进行了广泛的回顾,这是迄今为止分析数量最多的国家。基于更广泛的证据,我们对这些模式提供了一个新的综合和解释。虽然我们的分析支持了先前关于这些因素的一些主张,但我们的分析表明,政治、政党和选举制度的特征为全球多层次系统中职业运动模式发展的差异提供了最有力的解释。我们还引入了一系列新的因素,最值得注意的是,一个主导政党的存在、权力分享协议和不对称的联邦设计。我们讨论了我们研究的理论和实践意义,并确定了政治生涯和比较联邦制研究的新途径。数据收集部分是在澳大利亚-德国联合研究合作计划项目“联邦国家的政治生涯:方法论和理论挑战”中进行的,该项目由德国学术交流中心和德国联邦教育和研究部提供资金支持(PIs: Elena Semenova和Keith Dowding;项目编号:57217420)和澳大利亚大学。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1然而,尽管某些国家(如阿根廷)是如此,但墨西哥的情况并非如此(Jones, Sanguinetti, and Tommasi Citation2000;Diaz-Cayeros Citation2006)。2其他研究人员也使用这种类型(例如,博特拉等人)。Citation2010;Stolz Citation2015;2 . Grimaldi and Vercesi citation (2018)在本次审查中,我们不涉及欧盟的职业,而是侧重于单个国家的职业对于南亚和东南亚国家来说,英国议会制的影响导致了一种特定类型的政治制度(Eastminster parliamentary arism)的建立,这种政治制度不同于英国的威斯敏斯特制度(关于Eastminster制度的后殖民视角,参见Kumarasingham Citation2016)这一决定,除其他外,是提格雷战争的催化剂(见Gemechu Citation2023)当然,除了具有法律约束力的权力分享协议外,政治家族还会就争夺不同地区的政治职位达成非正式协议。超过60%的巴基斯坦联邦政治家属于一个政治家族——也就是说,他们的亲戚在联邦和/或省立法机构有经验(穆夫提和莫赫辛·阿里引证本问题)。政治家族还在地方一级安插其亲属,帮助控制分配给选区一级工作的财政资源:例如在委内瑞拉(Morgan Citation2018)和阿拉伯联合酋长国(Yaghi and anttwi - boateng Citation2015)。本研究得到了德国联邦政府建设和研究基金会的支持[资助号57217420];德国科学学会:[资助号57217420];澳大利亚大学[资助号57217420]。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Patterns of political career movements in multi-level systems: a cross-national comparison of twenty-seven countries
ABSTRACTWe introduce the special issue and provide an extensive review of the career patterns of politicians in twenty-seven multi-level countries worldwide, the largest number ever analyzed. Based on the wider evidence we provide a new synthesis and explanation of those patterns. While supporting previous claims on some of those factors our analysis shows that political, party, and electoral system features provide the strongest explanations for divergence in the development of career movement patterns in multi-level systems worldwide. We also introduce a set of novel factors, most notably, the existence of a dominant party, power-sharing agreements, and asymmetrical federal design. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of our research and identify new avenues of research on political careers and comparative federalism.KEYWORDS: Political careerspolitical elitesfederalismmultilevel governanceambitionmultilevel countries AcknowledgementsThe data collection was partly conducted within The Australia–Germany Joint Research Cooperation Scheme project ‘Political careers in federal countries: methodological and theoretical challenges’, which was financially supported by the German Academic Exchange Service and the Federal Ministry of Education and Research of Germany (PIs: Elena Semenova and Keith Dowding; project number: 57217420) and the Universities Australia.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 However, while true of some countries (such as Argentina), it is not so in the Mexican case (Jones, Sanguinetti, and Tommasi Citation2000; Diaz-Cayeros Citation2006).2 Other researchers also use this typology (e.g., Botella et al. Citation2010; Stolz Citation2015; Grimaldi and Vercesi Citation2018).3 In this review, we do not cover careers in the European Union, focusing rather on careers in individual countries.4 For countries of South Asia and Southeast Asia, the influence of British parliamentarism led to the establishment of a specific type of a political system (Eastminster parliamentarism), which differs from the British Westminster system (for a post-colonial perspective on Eastminster systems, see Kumarasingham Citation2016).5 This decision, among others, was a catalyst for the Tigray War (see Gemechu Citation2023).6 Of course, in addition to legally binding power-sharing agreements, political families come to informal agreements about contesting political offices at various territorial levels. More than 60 percent of Pakistani federal politicians belong to a political family – that is, have relatives with experience in the federal and/or provincial legislature (Mufti and Mohsin Ali Citationthis issue). Political families also install their relatives at the local level, helping to control financial resources distributed for constituency-level work: e.g., in Venezuela (Morgan Citation2018) and the United Arab Emirates (Yaghi and Antwi-Boateng Citation2015).Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung [grant number 57217420]; Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst: [grant number 57217420]; Universities Australia [grant number 57217420].
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