Linguistic Variation最新文献_第3页

Crosslinguistic variation in partitives 分词的跨语言变异

IF 0.3

Linguistic Variation Pub Date : 2022-02-10 DOI: 10.1075/lv.21020.lur

P. Sleeman, S. Luraghi

引用次数: 1

Partitive sharing – How to help in Kinande 参与分享-如何在基南德提供帮助

IF 0.3

Linguistic Variation Pub Date : 2022-02-07 DOI: 10.1075/lv.21001.iri

M. Irimia, Patricia Schneider-Zioga

引用次数: 0

Partitive genitive constructions and agreement variations in Latvian 拉脱维亚语的分格属格结构和协议变化

IF 0.3

Linguistic Variation Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.1075/lv.20019.kal

Andra Kalnača, Ilze Lokmane

{"title":"Partitive genitive constructions and agreement variations in Latvian","authors":"Andra Kalnača, Ilze Lokmane","doi":"10.1075/lv.20019.kal","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.20019.kal","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The article takes a closer look at the partitive genitive constructions in Latvian, their structure, semantics, and syntactic functions. With the help of a corpus analysis, an attempt has been made to find out what determines gender and number agreement variations between the partitive genitive constructions in subject position and the predicate, if it comprises a declinable participle. Attention was paid to such features as subject animacy, voice of the predicate, word order (SV / VS), quantifier lexeme and grammatical number of the genitive. 320 examples with partitive genitive constructions were selected from The Balanced Corpus of Modern Latvian LVK2018, including such quantifier lexemes as daļa ‘part’, skaits ‘number’, vairums ‘quantity’, vairākums ‘majority’, puse ‘half’, daudzums ‘amount / quantity’, lērums ‘bagful’, simts ‘hundred’, tūkstotis ‘thousand’, daudz ‘much/many’, maz ‘little / few’. The best results are given by the combination of values ‘animate’, ‘active’ and ‘SV’, in which 93.24% of the examples are partitive genitive agreement. Data analyzed so far suggest that quantifiers involving the semantic element of partitivity (e.g., daļa ‘part’) favor partitive genitive agreement, whereas quantifiers lacking this semantic element favor quantifier agreement. This is an exploratory quantitative study on agreement tendencies in Latvian.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42670231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The second genitive in the history of Russian and across its dialects 俄语历史上的第二个属格

IF 0.3

Linguistic Variation Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.1075/lv.21004.ter

Alexandra Ter-Avanesova, Michael Daniel

{"title":"The second genitive in the history of Russian and across its dialects","authors":"Alexandra Ter-Avanesova, Michael Daniel","doi":"10.1075/lv.21004.ter","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.21004.ter","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In this paper, we provide a survey of the diachronic development of the Russian second genitive (Gen2). As endpoints of this development, we consider data from Russian dialects representing different dialect groups. Assumedly, the expansion of Gen2 started off as ‘recycling’ of the genitive of a declension type that became obsolete already in the pre-written period. Nouns of this declension type were adopted by another declension, carrying their old genitive over as a variant form. This alternative ending started spreading, always as a variant, to other nouns in the adoptive declension. As the survey of the literature shows, in the course of this expansion new constraints evolved, including phonological, morphophonological, phonotactic, syntactic and semantic conditioning. While there is no declension class or even individual nouns where Gen2 became the only option, it expanded to different extents in different dialects. We believe that the diversity of functions associated with the form, the range of language-internal factors driving its expansion, as well as the current geographic distribution of constraints on its formation weaken the claim that emergence of Gen2 as a morphological category dedicated to partitive was due to contact with the languages of the Circumbaltic area, a suggestion made on a macro-areal basis and also based on comparison with the northern dialects alone. While we cannot argue that the data we present disproves the contact factor, we would at least expect that the increased granularity of dialectal data would provide some data to support it. This is not what happens, which we consider to be an argument against contact-induced change.\u0000The aim of the paper is two-fold: to present a synopsis of the discussions of the history of Gen2 and a survey of the data on the use of Gen2 in the dialects, both firsthand and available from the literature; and to question the role of contact in the emergence of the new category of Gen2 in Russian.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46045629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Diachronic bottlenecks of the Uralic (ablative-)partitive 乌拉尔（消融）分区的长期瓶颈

IF 0.3

Linguistic Variation Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1075/lv.21003.gru

R. Grünthal

引用次数: 1

Beyond affectedness – partitive objects and degrees of agenthood in Ancient Greek 超越情感——古希腊语中可分割的对象和代理的程度

IF 0.3

Linguistic Variation Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1075/lv.21002.lur

S. Luraghi

{"title":"Beyond affectedness – partitive objects and degrees of agenthood in Ancient Greek","authors":"S. Luraghi","doi":"10.1075/lv.21002.lur","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.21002.lur","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In several ancient and modern Indo-European languages, the partitive-genitive may be used in place of the accusative to encode the second argument of two-place verbs. In Ancient Greek the two types of object encoding can alternate with change-of-state verbs, alternation being viewed as connected with degrees of patient affectedness: the partitive-genitive encodes partially affected objects. Alternation also extends to experiential verbs, which are typically characterized by a low degree of transitivity and do not imply any change of state of the object-stimulus. Rather than concentrating on the implications of case alternation on the construal of the object, I consider the effects of variation on the whole construction, and argue that genitive vs. accusative marking of the object (NomGen vs. NomAcc constructions) reflects the construal of the subject-experiencer. While the different construal of the experiencer in terms of degrees of control cross-linguistically often results in non-nominative encoding of the experiencer, in Ancient Greek it is object encoding that affects the construal of the experiencer and reflects a scale based on possible control. The distribution of constructions with experiential verbs shows that NomAcc is typical of verbs of sight, thought, intellectual knowledge and emotions connected to sight and awareness, such as wonder and fear. NomGen is connected with touch, smell, taste, memory, forgetfulness, care and desire. In the in-between area, verbs of hearing, learning and verbs of affection may feature both accusative and genitive encoding, thus constituting a fuzzy transition area. The connection between sight and other experiential verbs that feature accusative encoding reflects an embodied conceptualization of experiential situations.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42861798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Partitive, genitive or nominative? 分格，属格还是主格?

IF 0.3

Linguistic Variation Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1075/lv.20016.met

H. Metslang, Külli Habicht

引用次数: 0

Partitive pronouns in intransitive contexts in Italian and Dutch 意大利语和荷兰语不及物语境中的分格代词

IF 0.3

Linguistic Variation Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1075/lv.21018.sle

P. Sleeman

引用次数: 0

Optional agreement as successful/failed Agree 作为成功/失败的可选协议同意

IF 0.3

Linguistic Variation Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1075/lv.20013.lys

Paulina Lyskawa, Rodrigo Ranero

引用次数: 3

Differential object marking in Catalan 加泰罗尼亚语中的差异对象标记

IF 0.3

Linguistic Variation Pub Date : 2021-08-02 DOI: 10.1075/lv.20009.iri

M. Irimia, Anna Pineda

{"title":"Differential object marking in Catalan","authors":"M. Irimia, Anna Pineda","doi":"10.1075/lv.20009.iri","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.20009.iri","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this paper we provide a comprehensive picture of differential object marking in Catalan, focusing on both the\u0000 empirical facts and their theoretical contribution. We support some important conclusions. First, Catalan differential object\u0000 marking is quite a robust and widespread phenomenon, contrary to what prescriptive grammars assume. Second, we show that, from a\u0000 formal perspective, Catalan differential object marking cannot be completely subsumed under hierarchical generalizations known as\u0000 scales. The contribution of narrow syntax mechanisms and nominal structure is fundamental, supporting recent\u0000 views by López (2012) or Ormazabal and Romero (2007, 2010, 2013a, b), a.o. Building on these works as well as on observations initially made by Cornilescu (2000) and Rodríguez-Mondoñedo\u0000 (2007), a.o., we adopt an analysis under which canonical, animacy-based differential marking results from the presence\u0000 of an additional (PERSON) feature, beyond Case. This structural make-up is not only at the core of differences marked objects\u0000 exhibit from unmarked objects with a Case feature, but also derives the prominence of differential marking on (animates) under\u0000 information-structure processes, in the high left (and right) periphery, in contexts of the type discussed by Escandell-Vidal\u0000 (2007a, b, 2009).","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42867641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0