Historijski pogledi最新文献

{"title":"Bošnjačke familije naselja Sulice u 19. stoljeću","authors":"Alija Suljić, Kadefa Muhić, Salko Nukić, Dahmo Alić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.17","url":null,"abstract":"The process of the settlement Sulice modern Bosniak families origin and development is possible to observe, based on the available historical sources, only in 19th century. The main data sources were the male population census of Kaza Srebrenica from 1850/51, and the first entries of owners in land registers of Srebrenica district in 1894. By comparing the data from the sources above, as well as from the population census of 1991, it was possible to establish continuity of settlement and development of Sulice families in this part of Srebrenica municipality. In the Sulice population census from 1850/51 the following last names are mentioned: Behramović, Bejan, Bejanović, Haskić, Hodžić, Huremović, Kandžetović, Kumović, Smajić, Spahić and Šulić. By the first entries in land registers of 1894 for the cadastral municipality of Sulice a large number of last names is stated, the most common of which are: Abdurahmanović (Hadžihafizbegović), Ademović, Aljkanović, Avdić, Bajramović, Beganović, Begić, Begović, Bektić, Burić, Bumbulović, Čivić (Rešić), Delić, Dudić, Džananović, Džanić, Džinović, Efendić, Fočak, Fržina, Gurda, Gurdić, Halilbašić, Hasanović, Hasić, Haskić, Hodžić, Huseinović, Husić, Ibišević, Ibrahimović, Idrizović, Imširović, Jahić (Kadrić), Junuzagić, Kadrić, Kajmaković, Kovačević, Kuleša, Lemeš, Lolić, Mahmutović, Mandžić, Mašić, Mehić, Mehmedović, Mehmedović (Silajdžić), Mehanović, Meholjić (Mehanović), Mešić, Mostarac (Dženetić), Muhić (Mujić), Musić, Mustafić, Nuhanović, Nukić, Nukić (Begović), Okanović, Omerović, Osmanović (Kavazović), Osmanović (Selimović), Palalić, Pašagić, Pinjić (Čikarić), Pitarević, Prijepoljac, Ramić, Rustanbegović, Salihović, Selmanagić, Selimović, Siručić (Salihović), Smajlović, Suljić, Sumbulović, Šarvan, Šećić, Šehić, Šolić (Šulić), Špijodić, Tanković, Tepić, Ustić, Uzunović, Vranjkovina, Zildžić, Zimić, Zulo (Agičević). Only those families who lived in the Sulice settlement in the second half of the 19th century have been researched in this paper. Those are the following families: Abdurahmanovićs (Hadžihafizbegović), Alićs, Aljkanovićs, Avdićs, Bajramovićs (Behramović), Begovićs, Bejans, Bejanovićs, Bektićs, Burićs, Džinovićs, Haskićs, Hodžićs, Huseinovićs, Imširovićs, Kadrićs, Kandžetovićs, Kulešas, Mehanovićs (Kandžetović), Mujkićs, Musićs, Mustafićs (Dervanović), Mustafićs (Spahić), Nuhanovićs, Nukićs, Osmanovićs (Selimović), Pejmanovićs, Sahadžićs, Selimovićs (Huremović), Selimovićs (Kumović), Smajlovićs, Suljićs (Smajić), Šarvans, Šolićs and Špijodićs. Most male members who had been listed in 1850/51 census in the Sulice settlement had their descendants, either male or female, who continued their family, i.e. genetic lineage, thus preserving their family and genetic heritage. Some families, such as Alićs, Abdurahmanovićs, Haskićs, Kadrićs, Kandžetovićs, Mehanovićs, Nuhanovićs, Selimovićs, etc. were more numerous than others, due to either greater natural increase or less emigration outside the Sulice s","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46461655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Political Leadership and Preservation of National Priorities (on the example of General Primo de Rivera)","authors":"Tatyana K. Dimitrova, S. Dimitrov","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.93","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.93","url":null,"abstract":"Spain did not take part in the First World War (1914-1918), but its political consequences were reflected in the subsequent crisis that gripped the entire Spanish society. The post-war economic crisis led to an increase in social tension (emergence of inflationary processes, reduction in the supply of basic necessities, low wage growth) and to the strengthening of nationalism. The economic crisis further exacerbates social conflicts and disrupts the social structure of society. The problem in Morocco is also contributing to the country's financial deficit and exacerbating existing problems. Added to this was the political instability and ministerial crises of the period 1917-1923. The constitutional monarchy made efforts to maintain the status quo, but internal and external conflicts strongly affected the stability of the institution. General elections were held four times and eleven different governments were formed. It is the crisis of the parliamentary system that creates opportunities for changes in the Spanish political system. All this leads the country to a political impasse, which the military in the person of General Primo de Rivera takes advantage of. The intervention of the army in the political life of Spain is an attempt to resolve the conflicts among the rulers, but the crisis deepens not only in Parliament, but also in society. Constant contradictions give rise to hatred of politics. The army takes the responsibility (thus the king hides from the responsibility) of rearranging the political system or building a new one and meets the approval of the majority of the society, which is ready for political reorganization. The conditions in the country are ready for a coup, the main actors are needed who will go down in history and who will take advantage of the situation to take power. The man who takes a tougher stance, as well as the challenge of running the country after a series of failed governments, is General Primo de Rivera. He established a dictatorship and ruled Spain from 1923-1930. The coup was carried out on the 13th of September 1923. Then General Primo de Rivera issued a Manifesto, which was an address to the army and society and marked the main responsibilities and commitments that were undertaken for implementation. The civilian government of the dictatorship began an active economic and social policy. It was largely successful and coincided with the worldwide economic boom of the mid-1920s. Reforms were also undertaken in the social, educational and military systems. Changes are taking place in both political and ecclesiastical life. Attempts are being made to resolve the regional problem and the existing situation in Morocco. There are also innovations in relations with the republics of Latin America. In view of later historical developments, it is clear that this regime could not have lasted long, but in a sense it became the basis of the subsequent “new state” regime after 1939. The time frame of the two dictatorshi","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47773502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Bosniaks in the 1921 Uprising in West Hungary","authors":"Zoltán Bolek","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.56","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.56","url":null,"abstract":"In the present study, I describe the struggles of the 1921. Uprising in West Hungary, and the lives and activities of the Bosnian and Albanian soldiers who took part in it. Hungary ended the First World War among the losers. The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was dissolved, and Romania, Serbia, and the fledgling Czechoslovakia, among the states surrounding Hungary, made territorial claims on the Hungarian state. The nationalities living on the territory of Hungary declared their secession one after the other, and the country lost territory to neighbouring states one after the other. The territories under foreign occupation also included many Hungarian minorities, and more than two-thirds of the country’s territory was under foreign occupation. The population of the country was dismayed, but when the Council of State of the former ally, Austria, announced its territorial claim to Western Hungary on 17 November 1918, the population was outraged. The Hungarian leadership attempted to negotiate with the Austrian leadership, raising the possibility of partitioning the territory, but the Austrians refused to make a deal. On 10 September 1919, the Entente approved the Austrian territorial claims in the Treaty of St. Germain. On 4 June 1920, the Treaty of Trianon was signed, in which the Kingdom of Hungary lost more than two-thirds of its territory, and the annexation of Western Hungary to Austria was confirmed. After the signing of the peace treaty, Hungary was forced to evacuate Western Hungary. The territory was divided into two parts, the so-called “A “and “B” zones. The former was today’s Burgenland, the latter Sopron, and its surroundings. However, the Hungarians did not give up. In the meantime, however, the recruitment of volunteer troops had begun, the nucleus of which was the “Ragged Guard”, formed on 18 April 1918. under the leadership of Iván Héjjas. The rebels were mostly made up of demobilised soldiers, farmers, students, and railwaymen, but they were also joined by Bosnian and Albanian volunteers led by Hilmi Hussein Durić, one of whom, Ahmed, was later killed in action against the Austrians. I will write in detail about the antecedents of the Uprising in West Hungary, its main leaders, Pál Prónay and Iván Héjjas, and the soldiers who fought in their units. I pay special attention to the travel of the Bosnian and Albanian soldiers to Western Hungary, the organisational circumstances, and the battles themselves. I have tried to identify the Albanian and Bosnian fighters involved in the uprising, using all the sources I can find. I will also write in detail about the two battles of Ágfalva and the battle of Kirchslag and other smaller skirmishes. I will also outline the circumstances of the proclamation of “Lajtabánság” (“Banat of Leytha”), and its existence. I will also devote a great deal of attention to the aftermath of the successful uprising and the subsequent fate of the Muslim veterans. The Bosnian and Albanian Muslim fighters, veterans of","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47871203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The First Famine in Ukraine was organized by the Communist Regime of Russia in 1921-1923: To the 100th Anniversary of the Victims of the Tragedy","authors":"Petro M. Chernega, Andriy P. Cherneha, Natalia V. Baranova, Ihor O. Mokhnatyuk, Nataliia O. Oblovatska","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.69","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.69","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents a comprehensive analysis of the Ukrainian famine of 1921-1923, challenging the widely held view that it was a tragic consequence of the civil war, as claimed by Lenin. Instead, the authors argue that the famine was a deliberate result of the Russian Bolsheviks' establishment of a social system reminiscent of feudal Russia. Drawing on the insights of Russian philosopher A. Zinoviev in his seminal work \"Communism as Reality,\" the authors shed light on the underlying causes and motivations behind this man-made disaster. During the brutal war of aggression, the Moscow Bolshevik regime employed various means of mass physical, political, and economic terror to suppress the national liberation movement of the Ukrainian people. One of the most insidious tactics was the imposition of a food dictatorship and the orchestration of the famine itself between 1921 and 1923. This deliberate policy was designed to crush any resistance and consolidate Bolshevik rule over Ukrainian lands. The famine served a dual purpose for the Moscow regime. On the one hand, it ensured a steady supply of vital resources such as food, coal, and metals from Ukraine to sustain the famine-stricken central regions of Russia, the North Caucasus, and Crimea. On the other hand, it enabled the Bolsheviks to establish their power on Ukrainian soil by subjugating and exploiting the population through the terror of famine. The consequences of this policy were catastrophic and far-reaching. The Ukrainian famine resulted in the destruction of the country's most productive agricultural resources, severely impairing the country's ability to feed its own population. In addition, a significant number of children, the future of the Ukrainian nation, died of starvation. Entire villages were devastated, and the subsequent influx of people from the Russian territories changed the ethnic composition of the affected regions, exacerbating the process of Russification. This demographic transformation further eroded Ukrainian cultural distinctiveness, including its scientific, educational, literary, and artistic sectors. The loss of cultural heritage and the erosion of national identity created long-lasting socio-psychological problems that continue to hinder the revival of Ukrainian statehood and its progress toward integration into the European community. The authors contend that the threat to the preservation of the Ukrainian nation and the restoration of an independent, united, and democratic Ukrainian state extends beyond the immediate Russian aggression. These acts of aggression include support for Transnistria, the wars with Chechnya and Georgia, the annexation of Crimea, the conflict in the Donbass, and the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The authors argue that severely punishing Russia for its actions is essential to preventing the recurrence of such atrocities in the future. The responsibility to confront the aggressor does not lie with Ukraine alone; it requires the ","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135188184","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Refleksije političkog organiziranja Bošnjaka Bosne i Hercegovine na Bošnjake Sandžaka i dijaspore 1990-1991.","authors":"Admir Lisica","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.242","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.242","url":null,"abstract":"The political organization of Bosniaks dates back to the beginning of the twentieth century, more precisely in 1906, when a group of Bosniak intellectuals formed the first political party called the Muslim People's Organization. As a result of the global political upheavals that affected most of Europe, certain decisions of international officials (primarily the Congress of Berlin in 1878) from the end of the nineteenth century complicated the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the Bosniaks. Realizing that through political activism they can defend their own interests in the newly emerging constellation of relations, Bosniak dignitaries led by Ali-beg Firdus and other dignitaries began a demanding political struggle. The scope of Bosniak politics at that time was extremely limited, as were the political organizations and representatives of Bosniaks in the years after, in contrast to the end of the twentieth century when politically organized Bosniaks managed to restore their national name Bosniak, the Bosnian language, but also democratically fight for an independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. Namely, during the twentieth century, the political development of Bosniaks can be traced, which at the beginning of the nineties experienced a kind of culmination in the context of the achieved results. In that process, two years can be considered extremely important in the context of the political organization of Bosniaks in the period of the beginning of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. and those are definitely 1990 and 1991. The first year (1990) is important because of the officialization of political pluralism in the country at that time, while during 1991 processes took place that would not only change the everyday life of Bosniaks, but also the whole of Yugoslavia. The Bosniaks saw the introduction of democratic principles into daily life in Yugoslavia as an opportunity for renewed political organization, which was imposed as a logical sequence of the circumstances of a nation in the post-communist period. The formation of the first Bosniak political party during the nineties - the Party of Democratic Action - SDA, started the Bosniak struggle for equality, but also the preservation of the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina within Yugoslavia, and later as an independent state. The aim of the paper is to present the way of the initial political organization of Bosniaks due to the new political reality in Yugoslavia, with a focus on Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak, with an overview of organizing throughout the Bosniak diaspora. In historiography, the role of the Bosniak diaspora in the context of the original political organization during the nineties has often been unfairly neglected. The Bosniak diaspora carefully followed all events in Yugoslavia, and tried to be a part of them in all available ways. The beginning of political organizing among Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak was followed with great attention, and Bosniak po","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42980588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Snajpersko djelovanje u Sarajevu u periodu opsade 1992-1995.","authors":"Zilha Mastalić Košuta","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.312","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.312","url":null,"abstract":"The area of Sarajevo at the beginning of April 1992 was violently divided. Units of the 4th Corps of the 2nd Military District of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA), the armed forces that were gathered and supported the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) as well as many local and foreign volunteers and mercenaries occupied strategic positions in and around Sarajevo. Open armed aggression began after Bosnia and Herzegovina was recognized as an international independent state. After that, Sarajevo was blocked and put under siege for almost four years. After the partial withdrawal of the JNA from Bosnia and Herzegovina, the 2nd Military District of the JNA was transformed into a part of the Army of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (VSr RBiH), from August 1992 under the name of the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS). Through the transformation, the 4th Corps of the JNA became the Sarajevo-Romanian Corps (SRK) VSr RBiH. In the period of the four-year siege of Sarajevo, in order to control Sarajevo, the said forces carried out a “coordinated systematic and long-term campaign of shelling and sniping” in order to “kill, maim, injure and terrorize the civilian population of Sarajevo”. In addition to artillery attacks, which were the most widespread way in which the inhabitants of Sarajevo were killed, another frequent way of killing was sniper attacks. The sniper clearly sees his victim and kills him with intent. Residents of Sarajevo were intentional victims of sniper attacks and were not safe anywhere. Without water, electricity, gas and other necessities of life, the residents fought a daily struggle for bare survival. It was a day and night fight for survival. Cruel individual and mass murders of civilians, including those of the youngest residents, followed by daily wounding, terrorizing, violations of psychological integrity, illegal actions and others, are part of the crimes committed against the inhabitants of Sarajevo in the period 1992-1995. years. Guided primarily by the verdicts and documents of the International Tribunal for War Crimes in The Hague, as well as other relevant archival documents and the statements and expertise of experts, the author shows in her work what the sniping campaign meant. A very important part is the display and description of the types of weapons that were used in such operations, as well as the description of localities and parts of the city from which snipers were most often used. Based on these data, it is very clear to see what the daily life of the inhabitants of the city under siege looked like. The organization of sniper training as well as the places where the training was conducted and in what way are also important parts of the work. The demand and delivery of sniper weapons and ammunition to the Sarajevo-Romania Corps, as well as the identities of the snipers, as well as hired mercenaries and volunteers from other countries, are parts of the work presented by the author. Based on the examples of ","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46149748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Iseljavanje Turaka iz Jugoslavije u Tursku: 70. godina od “Džentlmenskog sporazuma”","authors":"Salim Kadri Kerimi","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.184","url":null,"abstract":"This (2023) year marks the 70th anniversary of the achievement of the so-called “Gentlemen’s Agreement”, for the emigration of Turks from FPR of Yugoslavia to the Republic of Turkey. According to some indications and documents, this agreement was reached between the President of FPR of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito and the Minister of Foreign Affairs (MFA) of the Republic of Turkey, Fuad Köprülü, in Brioni, on January 22nd or 23rd, 1953. In order to operationalize this agreement, about three months later an “Agreement between the State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs of the FPR of Yugoslavia and the Embassy of the Republic of Turkey in Belgrade, for the emigration of Turks”, was signed. After reaching the two aforementioned agreements the process of emigration of the Muslim population of Yugoslavia to Turkey gained dramatic proportions. Beside the Turks, especially between 1953 and 1968, a large number of Albanians, Bosniaks and Pomacs immigrated to Turkey. In other words it was the largest exodus that took place in Europe in the period after the Second World War. As it is already known, the emigration of Turks and other Muslim populations of Yugoslavia to Turkey in the 50’s and 60’s of the 20th century was not new, because the emigration of the aforementioned population began in the second half of the 17th century - after the second defeat of the Ottoman army at the gates of Vienna in 1683, and continued in the period after the Second World War. In a period of more than 300 years, the most massive emigrations of the Muslim population from the territory of former Yugoslavia took place especially after the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-1878, after the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the First World War (1914-1918). The emigrations which took place after the Second World War, that I am writing about, are characteristic in that they took place in a peacetime period, as a result of the insidious abuse/ disrespect by the Yugoslav side of the agreement from 1953, which was signed between representatives of Yugoslavia and Turkey. Among the researchers of this issue, there are different views about the total number of emigrants who emigrated from Yugoslavia to Turkey in the 50s and 60s of the 20th century, and especially about their nationality. Albanian historians and other authors from Albania and Kosovo go so far as to treat almost all emigrants from Kosovo and Macedonia as Albanians. Unlike them, Albanian historians and other authors from Macedonia admit that there were Turks among the emigrants from Macedonia, but that the dominant part of the emigrants were allegedly Albanians. Unlike them, I and several other authors from the Republic of Northern Macedonia (V. Achkovska, B. Ilievski, G. Todorovski, and others) claim that the majority of emigrants from the Republic of Macedonia were Turks.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43453317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Promjena vlasništva vakufa na području Gornjeg Rahića u socijalističkom periodu (1945-1990)","authors":"Izet Šabotić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.163","url":null,"abstract":"One of the important measures of the communist government after the Second World War was the change of ownership of private property and the property of religious communities. For the mentioned changes in the field of ownership, numerous regulations were passed, which related to the nationalization, confiscation and expropriation of real estate. The regulations were for the purpose of the legitimate action of the state in terms of changing the ownership of real estate. With these measures, the entire waqf property, which until then was outside the scope of state interventions regarding the change of ownership, came under attack. The aforementioned processes were carried out in a short period of time and very radically, whereby in many cases the established legal procedures adopted by the communist authorities were not followed. Through nationalization, confiscation and expropriation, significant property of the Islamic community in Bosnia and Herzegovina was usurped. The usurpation of property significantly weakened the Islamic community economically, which had an impact on the work of its most important institutions. Due to additional government measures, the most important religious and educational institutions of the Islamic community, such as madrasahs and sharia courts, ceased to exist, while the number of schools was significantly reduced. With the usurpation of property, the Islamic community lost a significant economic support, which had an impact on its further functioning and influence on the wider masses, which to a good extent were very quickly affected by the process of atheism, which was one of the important goals of the communist government. The Islamic community in the Brcko region had significant waqf property at its disposal. It was about various properties, which were of great importance in the religious, educational, economic and social segments in the places where the waqfs were located. The Islamic community in the area of the municipality of Gornji Rahic, which was located in the Brcko region at the time, had significant waqf real estate, especially land holdings. Until the establishment of the communist government, they were used to support religious buildings in this area. With the establishment of the new government, according to the available data of a significant land area, four waqfs in this area were hit by the measures of the new communist government. It was about the foundation of the Gornji Rahic mosque, the foundation of the Ograđenovac mosque, the foundation of the Iptidaija school in Gornji Rahic and the Fatima Kujundzic foundation. The aforementioned waqfs came under attack based on the Law on Agrarian Reform and Colonization, because they had more land than was determined by the said regulation. Therefore, already in 1946, the government carried out the process of expropriation of the land of the mentioned waqfs and took a total of 66 dunums of land and 320 m2 from them, while leaving a total of 17 dunums and","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42374972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Socijalno-statusni položaj braniteljki Armije Republike Bosne i Hercegovine","authors":"Meldijana Arnaut Haseljić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.271","url":null,"abstract":"The bilateral aggression perpetrated on the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina by its eastern and western neighbors produced the need for the defense of the state, its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Projected plans provided for the appropriation of territories, and alternatively the annexation of certain areas. Armed conflicts caused the commission of numerous war crimes, crimes against humanity and international law against the civilian population. In order to prevent the complete destruction of those who feel and perceive Bosnia and Herzegovina as their homeland, and the execution of genocide on the entire territory of the country, the bare-handed population self-organized. In the very beginnings, the organization was realized in the form of street guards armed with hunting rifles and/or personal pistols, which gradually grew into organizing at the local level, and by being integrated into the structure of the Territorial Defense of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which became the backbone of the creation of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Army represented the only official armed force of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the goal of protecting the territorial integrity of the state, citizens, economic, cultural and other assets. In the ranks of the Army there were also 5,360 members of the fairer sex who showed enough courage to put themselves at their disposal in a personal capacity in the most difficult moments of the decisive defense of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state. Among them, special piety goes to the winners of the Golden Lily award - 13 of them. A special honor and respect goes to a special group of women - those who, then, at a time when many were hiding and looking for a way to leave not only the defense line but also the homeland, voluntarily joined the ranks of the Army in order to participate and contribute to the fight for survival, whether they found themselves in combat units on the front line, penetrating enemy lines as saboteurs, scouts, unit commanders, nurses, or engaged in logistical and affiliated units, unit commands. Some of them did not see their freedom. Where are the brave women defenders today? The answer to this question is the topic of the conducted empirical research presented in the titled text, which contains the results of the processes carried out so far in the construction of the culture of memory, as well as the positioning of female volunteers/defenders in legal norms. These are two crucial centers of gravity that position female volunteers/defenders in today's sociological reality.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49588481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Political and Security dimensions on Settling Kosovo-North Macedonian Border Demarcation","authors":"S. Dalipi","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.369","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing borders in post-conflict situations is a challenging undertaking between two or more actors that often ends up in arbitration. In some cases, it produces a political confrontation that may turn into a cycle of violence. This article sheds light on the dynamics of political and security challenges, the interaction of the foreign actors and the role of the local government and civic activism in resolving disputes related to the Kosovo-Macedonia border. This article focuses on the obstacles that came from the non-definition of the status of Kosovo and the popular and institutional dissatisfaction regarding the agreement on the border between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) and Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), bypassing Kosovo and UNMIK from decisionmaking. Secondly, it asks whether these two sovereign countries have had the right to decide on the part of the border that separates Kosovo and Macedonia and was it an appropriate moment to reach an agreement on the border in tense situation between Kosovo, Serbia, and Macedonia? If so, why was Kosovo not included in the final stage of implementation of the agreement? Third, in unclear situation with Kosovo political status, which of the parties to the agreement would be able undertake practical ground activity, that of placing the border stones and which kind of writings will take place on them: „Serbia” and „Macedonia”, or „Kosovo” and „Macedonia”? Could the implementation of the agreement be postponed, at least for the part that divided Kosovo and Macedonia, and completed instead after the final status of Kosovo was determined? We argue that political momentum between Kosovo-Macedonia-Serbia triangle did not favor achieve such sensitive agreement between newly created states of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and FYROM. Excluding Kosovo provisional institutions and UN civil administration from the border agreement was a mistake that produced instability, hostility and additional bitterness in interethnic relations at the early stages, followed by the status quo. And, finally, including Kosovo as a partner in implementing the border issue paved the way for interstate cooperation that led to Macedonia’s recognition of Kosovo, which erupt a short wave of anti-Macedonian rhetoric by both, Serbian political leadership and people protests. The evidence used for the arguments presented were positivists qualitative methods such as social survey and official statistics. The principle of uti possidetis was applied on the border disputes in the period after the breakup of Yugoslavia, and also in the case of the demarcation of the border between Kosovo and the states of Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania, as the best solution because it lies in „its primary aim of securing respect for the territorial boundaries at the moment when independence is achieved”. In drawing conclusions related to the article topic, I used a combined methodology of literature research, comparative analyses an","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43765307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}