Historijski pogledi最新文献

{"title":"Bosna i Hercegovina i konstituisanje Avnojske Jugoslavije (1943-1945)","authors":"Safet Bandžović","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.148","url":null,"abstract":"Many states, like Yugoslavia, emerged from conflicting historical currents. A critical examination of the socio-historical multi-directional flows after the chaotic April War of 1941 and the rapid disintegration of monarchical Yugoslavia also encompasses rational knowledge of opposing political and national perspectives dating back to 1918 when it was established, with its problematic events between the two World Wars, their causes, and consequences. The turbulent interwar legacy and the failure to address acute problems within the state influenced the dramatic situation and conflicts in occupied Yugoslavia, leading to polarization, collaboration, and alignments. The state of war is a complex crisis situation. The breakup of Yugoslavia was met with divided opinions on whether (and if so, how and on what basis) to reestablish the state. Each Yugoslavia (the „old” and the „new”) also represented a „new constitutional concept of the relationship between its major nations/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The successful antifascist liberation struggle from 1941 to 1945 was primarily led by the partisan movement, with the dominant role of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY). Vladimir Dedijer wrote that in 1941, a revolutionary war began, and „no one dreamed what its nature would be.” It was a civil war, destroying the idea that this state could be rebuilt in the form it took in 1918. It was a complex war („a war of all against all”) with numerous burdens (national, religious, social, historical). Anti-Yugoslav forces were long more numerous than pro-Yugoslav forces, which eventually triumphed. The speech of Yugoslav antifascism is most symbolically recognizable by the phrase: „Death to fascism – freedom to the people,” and „brotherhood and unity.” By the decision on the federal organization of the state at the Second Session of the Anti-Fascist Council of National Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ) in Jajce in 1943, the foundational pillar of the previous Yugoslavia—state and national unitarism—was denied. AVNOJ's decisions were of a framework and principle nature. The federation was established, but until the end, the forms of all its units related to their borders and the structure of alliance members („unitary or complex”) were not fully defined. The emergence of the federal Bosnia and Herzegovina was accompanied by harmonization at the top of the CPY and the People's Liberation Movement. The specificity of the „AVNOJ formula” was also reflected in the fact that in 1943, a federal state was formed, and in 1944, the members of the federation (republics). At that time, their provincial antifascist councils were constituted as the highest legislative and executive representative bodies. Many accompanying issues addressed in the decisions in Jajce on the structure of Yugoslavia remained under detailed consideration and clarification by the state-party leadership and AVNOJ in 1945. These issues have continued to be the subject of more detailed review a","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A Journey with experiences of a lifetime. The adventures of Gyula Germanus in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1902","authors":"Zsolt András Udvarvölgyi","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.52","url":null,"abstract":"Gyula Germanus or Hajji Julius Abdul-Karim Germanus, Hungarian Muslim Orientalist Professor (1884-1979) was a well-known scholar and popular figure in Hungary from the turn of the century until late seventies. He was an Arabist, teacher, professor, writer, traveller, literary historian as well MP in Hungary (1958-1966) and member of many academies abroad. He converted to Islam in Delhi in 1930, and he was the first Hungarian to make a pilgrimage to Mecca (Hajj) in 1935. In this paper, I would like to describe in more detail his first major trip abroad, which took him to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the summer of 1902. The 17-year-old Germanus, a newly graduated, well-informed, educated, multilingual and already interested in Eastern culture, had a lifetime of experiences on his journey. Based partly on one of his memoirs and partly on a radio play he wrote and found in the Germanus bequest, I will outline in detail a chronicle of his days in Bosnia. First he travelled by train from Budapest to Banja Luka, where he visited the only Trappist monastery in the Balkans, and then he wrote a brief history of the Trappist order in his book. He then travelled with his companions by coach along a wild and scenic road carved into the valley of the Vrbas river towards Jajce. He noted that the Hungarian soldiers who invaded Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878 had named the province “the land of curved mountains” for a reason. It is in Jajce that he had his greatest and most astonishing adventure, when he walked into a café in the evening, where he was greeted with great affection by the regular Bosniaks, especially after it turns out that he speaks Turkish. So he spends the evening in good company and is amply entertained. This first impression of the kindness and hospitality of the Muslim people of the East will stayed with him for the rest of his life. Jajca was followed by a journey by narrow-gauge railway to Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. In addition to describing the city and its sights, Germanus also reported that he had made a new and very dear friend, the intelligent Ahmed Mustafa, a shariat law student. After meeting him, they talked about the Islamic religion, the Quran, shariat and visited the bazaar. Afterwards they had dinner and Germanus invited his new friend to visit Hungary, who accompanied him to Grazová and then to Raguza. They also discovered Raguza together and said goodbye to each other. From there Germanus travelled to Cattaro, then to Cetinje in Montenegro, where he had interesting and instructive adventures, and after a long and difficult ordeal, including two days of starvation, he arrived in Fiume, where he was helped by an acquaintance of his father’s, and was able to travel home in peace. In the conclusion, I will explain that six years after Germanus’ visit, the Austro-Hungarian Empire annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Empire, and tensions between the peoples of the Balkans escalated, leading to the Sarajevo assassination attempt o","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Prikaz: Enes Dedić, Bosansko Kraljevstvo i Srpska Despotovina (1402-1459), Univerzitet u Sarajevu – Institut za historiju, Historijske monografije, knj. 23, Sarajevo 2021, 481 str.","authors":"A. Zilic","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.413","url":null,"abstract":"Prikaz/Review: Enes Dedić, Bosansko Kraljevstvo i Srpska Despotovina (1402-1459), Univerzitet u Sarajevu – Institut za historiju, Historijske monografije, knj. 23, Sarajevo 2021, 481 str.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43647148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy: Did Exchange Programs bring down The Cold War?","authors":"Labinot Hajdari","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.225","url":null,"abstract":"During the Cold War public diplomacy was far more advanced, dynamic, and all-inclusive than we give credit. The Cold War shaped domestic and foreign policies for many decades, worldwide. With the United States and the Soviet Union as the main protagonists of the bipolar world, using international broadcasting shaped the attitudes of the countries in a favorable stance for the two superpowers, to comply with the competing ideologies. This article investigates the role of public diplomacy through media, education, and cultural programs, and the role they played in bringing down the Cold War. Educational and Cultural programs played an especially influential role in the superpower’s strategies and competing agendas on who wins more hearts and minds. Through the use of historical research methods, combined with discourse and content analysis of books, archived official documents, podcasts, newspapers, and publications, draw a pattern of empowerment and transformation of such tools as propaganda into public diplomacy, which in the beginning deepened the distance between East and West, while later was used to win hearts and minds. As this article analyzes, public diplomacy played an important role during the Cold War, emerging in the initial years of the war itself. Through a sophisticated strategy of using common bridges among people as a connection such as science, music, sports, and education exchange programs, considered at that time to be entirely divided from the political sphere, the United States as the leading Western democracy managed to get into the hearts and minds of the Soviet people. Among the most popular models of using public diplomacy was that of a hostile nature of relationships, intending to achieve results in foreign publics. The hypothesis was that if the images persuaded the targeted foreign public of the other side, they would pressure their governments to change their hostile positions and politicize toward the other side. Public diplomacy was that counterbalance to nuclear power competition, which was dominated by campaigns that aimed to gain influence and win the support of the international global society, and it inspired different countries, to use different tools to achieve their international goals. Programs such as the Fulbright, International Visitors Program, and “People to People” program, founded with the purpose to promote the United States' goodwill through educational exchange programs in the field of culture and science, philanthropy, and humanitarian activities, changed the perspective of communication and understanding between the United States and other nations, but also as an important step toward world peace. In the meantime, this strategy eroded the foundations of Soviet ideology and was considered by Soviet diplomats as a Trojan horse that caused the fall of its entire system. This article also investigates how propaganda transformed into public diplomacy and became institutionalized and recognized as a p","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41930473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Zločin na Tuzlanskoj kapiji: Historijske činjenice, reakcije i negiranje odgovornosti","authors":"Merisa Karović Babić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.343","url":null,"abstract":"The cities of Bosnia and Herzegovina that were in the period 1992-1995. were under siege or surrounded by Serbian forces, were exposed to continuous mortar and artillery attacks from positions controlled by the VRS. Locations that were regarded as mass gathering places for people, such as markets, squares, schools, kindergartens, children's parks, hospitals, city transport vehicles were very often the targets of sudden shelling, which resulted in mass killings of civilians. Exactly the same methods were applied by the Serbian forces in all the cities that were declared safe zones by the United Nations. In this paper, applying a historical approach, the massacre at the Tuzla Gate was analyzed on May 25, 1995, which was one of the saddest days in the history of the city of Tuzla, when 71 civilians were killed and 173 civilians were wounded by shrapnel from a grenade fired from the direction of Ozren. , which represents the largest number of victims and the most massive crime from a single shell during the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition to the indispensable interpretation of the political and military context at the time of the crime at the Tuzla Gate, and the then-current NATO attacks on the positions of the VRS, the work also deals with the analysis of the minutes of the investigation of the Prosecutor's Office and the Security Service Center of the MUP of RBiH, the investigative actions of the United Nations carried out on the ground the places immediately after the crime, the daily reports of UNPROFOR, as well as the reactions that followed this crime. Immediately after the massacre, representatives of investigative bodies, the Municipality of Tuzla, archival institutions, journalists, intellectuals and citizens of Tuzla made a significant contribution in documenting the facts of the crime committed. On the first anniversary of the massacre, 5/25/1996. In the book The Dawn Murder, photographs and short biographical data with a lot of emotional content about each victim, their occupation, an exact description of the circumstances of the crime, as well as the exact place where they were at the time of the crime were published. The smiles in the photos full of liveliness are forever stopped in their interrupted youth, but through the mentioned book, as well as through the permanent exhibition of the Kapija Memorial Center, they continue to live permanently in the memories of their fellow citizens of Tuzla, Bosnians and Herzegovina, with a message to future generations: You don't just live here to live, one does not live here only to die, one dies here to live. Respecting everything that the people of Tuzla have done in terms of memorialization of crimes, collective memory and memory, the mentioned activities can certainly serve as an example to other cities, where civilians were killed in the same or similar way. The Archives of the Tuzla Canton have important materials about the massacre, such as the “Tuzlan","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47383025","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Ropstvo u Antičkom Rimu","authors":"Sead Bandžović","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.391","url":null,"abstract":"The institution of slavery was characteristic of all the civilizations from Mediterranean basin in ancient times. However, slavery had its widest application in the Roman state, for which it was of immense importance, since slaves were seen as the driving force of Roman social and economic system. Slaves (servus, puer) were treated as “speaking tools” (instrumentum vocale). The position of the individual in the Roman state was regulated in detail, and there were three special positions: status civitatis (Roman citizen or foreigner), status familiae (elder of the family or its member under the rule of pater familias) and status libertatis (slave or free man). Slaves had a special legal status in Roman law at the time. Unlike animals and things over which power was referred to as domicium, this was about power over man, so the term domicia potestas was used. In the initial stages of the development of state and the law, they were viewed exclusively as property, without any personal, property or other rights. Thus the puer could not be a party to the proceedings, and his union with the slave girl was treated as a de facto union (contubernium), not as a valid marriage. He could only improve the position of his master, and if the servus would cause some damage to a third party, the master was not obliged to eliminate it, but according to Aquilius law of damage from 287 AD there was a possibility of handing over the slave to the injured party according to the principles of noxal liability. An individual could find himself in the status of a slave in three ways: by falling into captivity in war, by being born to a slave mother (vernae) or by losing his freedom as a form of sanction. In addition to private and royal, there were also so-called public slaves (servi publici). Their owner was not a private person, but a wider social community, and power over them was officially exercised by the Roman people (populus Romanus), civilian authorities in municipalities or colonies in Italy and its provinces. Servi publici were most often employed by magistrates or priests, and they also worked as guardians of various Roman buildings: basilicas, temples, archives and libraries. Roman law also knew of other forms of subordination that were not a form of slavery but states similar to it. The first aspect referred to persons in mancipio who were handed over by the pater famillias through mancipation to another elder as labor or to avoid tortious liability. The second case concerned addictus. Under the old civil law (ius civile) the addictus was a debtor in a certain obligatory relationship where, in case of non-payment of his obligation, he would be assigned to the creditor. The creditor had to keep him in the so-called creditor’s imprisonment for 60 days, until a guarantor appeared or the debt was repaid. If this did not happen, the debtor could be killed or sold as a slave. Persons redeemed from captivity (redempti ab hostibus) could be held captive by the redeemer","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49105761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Bošnjačke familije naselja Sulice u 19. stoljeću","authors":"Alija Suljić, Kadefa Muhić, Salko Nukić, Dahmo Alić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.17","url":null,"abstract":"The process of the settlement Sulice modern Bosniak families origin and development is possible to observe, based on the available historical sources, only in 19th century. The main data sources were the male population census of Kaza Srebrenica from 1850/51, and the first entries of owners in land registers of Srebrenica district in 1894. By comparing the data from the sources above, as well as from the population census of 1991, it was possible to establish continuity of settlement and development of Sulice families in this part of Srebrenica municipality. In the Sulice population census from 1850/51 the following last names are mentioned: Behramović, Bejan, Bejanović, Haskić, Hodžić, Huremović, Kandžetović, Kumović, Smajić, Spahić and Šulić. By the first entries in land registers of 1894 for the cadastral municipality of Sulice a large number of last names is stated, the most common of which are: Abdurahmanović (Hadžihafizbegović), Ademović, Aljkanović, Avdić, Bajramović, Beganović, Begić, Begović, Bektić, Burić, Bumbulović, Čivić (Rešić), Delić, Dudić, Džananović, Džanić, Džinović, Efendić, Fočak, Fržina, Gurda, Gurdić, Halilbašić, Hasanović, Hasić, Haskić, Hodžić, Huseinović, Husić, Ibišević, Ibrahimović, Idrizović, Imširović, Jahić (Kadrić), Junuzagić, Kadrić, Kajmaković, Kovačević, Kuleša, Lemeš, Lolić, Mahmutović, Mandžić, Mašić, Mehić, Mehmedović, Mehmedović (Silajdžić), Mehanović, Meholjić (Mehanović), Mešić, Mostarac (Dženetić), Muhić (Mujić), Musić, Mustafić, Nuhanović, Nukić, Nukić (Begović), Okanović, Omerović, Osmanović (Kavazović), Osmanović (Selimović), Palalić, Pašagić, Pinjić (Čikarić), Pitarević, Prijepoljac, Ramić, Rustanbegović, Salihović, Selmanagić, Selimović, Siručić (Salihović), Smajlović, Suljić, Sumbulović, Šarvan, Šećić, Šehić, Šolić (Šulić), Špijodić, Tanković, Tepić, Ustić, Uzunović, Vranjkovina, Zildžić, Zimić, Zulo (Agičević). Only those families who lived in the Sulice settlement in the second half of the 19th century have been researched in this paper. Those are the following families: Abdurahmanovićs (Hadžihafizbegović), Alićs, Aljkanovićs, Avdićs, Bajramovićs (Behramović), Begovićs, Bejans, Bejanovićs, Bektićs, Burićs, Džinovićs, Haskićs, Hodžićs, Huseinovićs, Imširovićs, Kadrićs, Kandžetovićs, Kulešas, Mehanovićs (Kandžetović), Mujkićs, Musićs, Mustafićs (Dervanović), Mustafićs (Spahić), Nuhanovićs, Nukićs, Osmanovićs (Selimović), Pejmanovićs, Sahadžićs, Selimovićs (Huremović), Selimovićs (Kumović), Smajlovićs, Suljićs (Smajić), Šarvans, Šolićs and Špijodićs. Most male members who had been listed in 1850/51 census in the Sulice settlement had their descendants, either male or female, who continued their family, i.e. genetic lineage, thus preserving their family and genetic heritage. Some families, such as Alićs, Abdurahmanovićs, Haskićs, Kadrićs, Kandžetovićs, Mehanovićs, Nuhanovićs, Selimovićs, etc. were more numerous than others, due to either greater natural increase or less emigration outside the Sulice s","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46461655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Political Leadership and Preservation of National Priorities (on the example of General Primo de Rivera)","authors":"Tatyana K. Dimitrova, S. Dimitrov","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.93","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.93","url":null,"abstract":"Spain did not take part in the First World War (1914-1918), but its political consequences were reflected in the subsequent crisis that gripped the entire Spanish society. The post-war economic crisis led to an increase in social tension (emergence of inflationary processes, reduction in the supply of basic necessities, low wage growth) and to the strengthening of nationalism. The economic crisis further exacerbates social conflicts and disrupts the social structure of society. The problem in Morocco is also contributing to the country's financial deficit and exacerbating existing problems. Added to this was the political instability and ministerial crises of the period 1917-1923. The constitutional monarchy made efforts to maintain the status quo, but internal and external conflicts strongly affected the stability of the institution. General elections were held four times and eleven different governments were formed. It is the crisis of the parliamentary system that creates opportunities for changes in the Spanish political system. All this leads the country to a political impasse, which the military in the person of General Primo de Rivera takes advantage of. The intervention of the army in the political life of Spain is an attempt to resolve the conflicts among the rulers, but the crisis deepens not only in Parliament, but also in society. Constant contradictions give rise to hatred of politics. The army takes the responsibility (thus the king hides from the responsibility) of rearranging the political system or building a new one and meets the approval of the majority of the society, which is ready for political reorganization. The conditions in the country are ready for a coup, the main actors are needed who will go down in history and who will take advantage of the situation to take power. The man who takes a tougher stance, as well as the challenge of running the country after a series of failed governments, is General Primo de Rivera. He established a dictatorship and ruled Spain from 1923-1930. The coup was carried out on the 13th of September 1923. Then General Primo de Rivera issued a Manifesto, which was an address to the army and society and marked the main responsibilities and commitments that were undertaken for implementation. The civilian government of the dictatorship began an active economic and social policy. It was largely successful and coincided with the worldwide economic boom of the mid-1920s. Reforms were also undertaken in the social, educational and military systems. Changes are taking place in both political and ecclesiastical life. Attempts are being made to resolve the regional problem and the existing situation in Morocco. There are also innovations in relations with the republics of Latin America. In view of later historical developments, it is clear that this regime could not have lasted long, but in a sense it became the basis of the subsequent “new state” regime after 1939. The time frame of the two dictatorshi","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47773502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Slovenci u Antifašističkoj borbi u Bosni i Hercegovini i izgradnji federativnih osnova Jugoslavije (1941-1945)","authors":"Safet Bandžović","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.113","url":null,"abstract":"Understanding the socio-historical processes after the April War of 1941 and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia presupposes a deeper knowledge of opposing national perspectives since 1918, when this country was created, of the events between the two world wars, as well as their multidimensional characters, since they largely determined wartime polarizations and alignments. The Second World War is one of the most problematic historical periods in the post-Yugoslav area, from a scientific and political point of view. With numerous relief and insufficiently explored components, it still belongs to the so-called “hot memory”. The disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1941 was greeted by its peoples and political subjects with different visions of whether (and if so: how) a new Yugoslavia should be established. The anti-fascist struggle was led by a partisan movement with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) playing a dominant role. Each Yugoslavia (“old” and “new”) also meant “a new constitutional concept of the relationship between its main peoples/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The history of the Slovenes, wrote Edvard Kardelj at the end of the thirties of the 20th century, “is nothing but a long chain of oppression and trampling of a small nation”. After the First World War (the “Great War”), the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the collapse of Austria-Hungary divided the Slovenes among four countries. The parcelization of the Slovenian ethnic space did not end there. The territory of Slovenia (Drava Banovina) after the fragmentation of Yugoslavia in 1941 was divided between Germany, Italy and Hungary, into six parts, with different administrative regimes. The Slovenian people were torn apart, humiliated, threatened with destruction and disappearance from the ethnic map of Europe. This people was one of “the most fragmented in Europe and all the occupiers planned to wipe it out through persecution, assimilation and denationalization. Research on refugees and exile is closely related to issues of human rights, nationalism, genocide and ethnocide. This issue has a humanitarian, political, legal and moral dimension. Part of the exiled Slovenes also came to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1941, which was part of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Slovenes have a specific place in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the 19th century. They also contributed to the development of the National Liberation Movement ( NOP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by acting in an illegal revolutionary movement and partisan units, as well as participating in the constitution of the new government and defining the future internal structure of post-war Yugoslavia. The war in the territory of occupied Yugoslavia was, among other things, a civil war that destroyed the idea that this monarchist state can be restored in the form in which it was created in 1918. The ranks of the NOP included Slovenians who lived in Bosnia and Herzegovina before the war, as well as tho","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44987066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Bosniaks in the 1921 Uprising in West Hungary","authors":"Zoltán Bolek","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.56","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.56","url":null,"abstract":"In the present study, I describe the struggles of the 1921. Uprising in West Hungary, and the lives and activities of the Bosnian and Albanian soldiers who took part in it. Hungary ended the First World War among the losers. The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was dissolved, and Romania, Serbia, and the fledgling Czechoslovakia, among the states surrounding Hungary, made territorial claims on the Hungarian state. The nationalities living on the territory of Hungary declared their secession one after the other, and the country lost territory to neighbouring states one after the other. The territories under foreign occupation also included many Hungarian minorities, and more than two-thirds of the country’s territory was under foreign occupation. The population of the country was dismayed, but when the Council of State of the former ally, Austria, announced its territorial claim to Western Hungary on 17 November 1918, the population was outraged. The Hungarian leadership attempted to negotiate with the Austrian leadership, raising the possibility of partitioning the territory, but the Austrians refused to make a deal. On 10 September 1919, the Entente approved the Austrian territorial claims in the Treaty of St. Germain. On 4 June 1920, the Treaty of Trianon was signed, in which the Kingdom of Hungary lost more than two-thirds of its territory, and the annexation of Western Hungary to Austria was confirmed. After the signing of the peace treaty, Hungary was forced to evacuate Western Hungary. The territory was divided into two parts, the so-called “A “and “B” zones. The former was today’s Burgenland, the latter Sopron, and its surroundings. However, the Hungarians did not give up. In the meantime, however, the recruitment of volunteer troops had begun, the nucleus of which was the “Ragged Guard”, formed on 18 April 1918. under the leadership of Iván Héjjas. The rebels were mostly made up of demobilised soldiers, farmers, students, and railwaymen, but they were also joined by Bosnian and Albanian volunteers led by Hilmi Hussein Durić, one of whom, Ahmed, was later killed in action against the Austrians. I will write in detail about the antecedents of the Uprising in West Hungary, its main leaders, Pál Prónay and Iván Héjjas, and the soldiers who fought in their units. I pay special attention to the travel of the Bosnian and Albanian soldiers to Western Hungary, the organisational circumstances, and the battles themselves. I have tried to identify the Albanian and Bosnian fighters involved in the uprising, using all the sources I can find. I will also write in detail about the two battles of Ágfalva and the battle of Kirchslag and other smaller skirmishes. I will also outline the circumstances of the proclamation of “Lajtabánság” (“Banat of Leytha”), and its existence. I will also devote a great deal of attention to the aftermath of the successful uprising and the subsequent fate of the Muslim veterans. The Bosnian and Albanian Muslim fighters, veterans of","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47871203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}