Historijski pogledi最新文献

{"title":"Prikaz/Review: Husref Tahirović, Dr. ISAK SAMOKOVLIJA – ŽIVOT U BIJELOM MANTILU, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2022, 198 str","authors":"Hatidža Fetahagić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.478","url":null,"abstract":"Prikaz/Review: Husref Tahirović, Dr. ISAK SAMOKOVLIJA – ŽIVOT U BIJELOM MANTILU, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2022, 198 str","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Iskreni dogovor ili zakulisne političke igre? Novi prilozi istraživanju razgovora Milošević-Tuđman u Karađorđevu i Tikvešu 1991. godine?","authors":"Adnan Velagić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.238","url":null,"abstract":"During the 1980s of 20th century, socialist Yugoslavia faced various social problems, which disintegrated the fragile tissue of Tito's state-political legacy. In the early 1990s, when the unstoppable phase of dissolution of this country began, national-chauvinist quasi-elites surfaced, with the aim of realizing their great-nation ambitions in a period of general unrest. Although in this whirlwind of social events the possibility of military intervention by the JNA was used as an indispensable threat factor, the behind-the-scenes political agreements of republican leaders were often much more effective in achieving certain goals. Sometimes conducted in public, and sometimes secretly, such negotiations violated the authority of state bodies and made their existence meaningless. In this context, one can certainly observe the most famous separate negotiations from the beginning of the 1990s on the territory of the disintegrating Yugoslavia, conducted between Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tudjman. Although due to the lack of transcripts we have no insight into the details of these talks, many close associates of the Serbian and Croatian presidents, as well as participants in various political sessions, clearly indicate the presence of a high degree of mutual agreement on the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, today, three decades after Karadjordjev and Tikves, there is a reasonable suspicion that it was just a double political game of Slobodan Milosevic, who entered into such talks with Croatian President Franjo Tudjman, not to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina with him but to confront him with the Bosniaks and thus weaken the front against Serbian hegemony in Yugoslavia. In this paper, the author sought to shed light on these events through statements by Tudjman and Milosevic, and addresses by their close associates and participants in numerous political talks, and thus help to take a more relevant view of Bosnia and Herzegovina's positioning in Serbian and Croatian politics in the early 1990s. year of the 20th century.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"4 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Građanske i reformske snage u Crnoj Gori prema ratu protiv Bosne i Hercegovine","authors":"Nada Tomović","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.341","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to review, based on the available sources, the role of democratic and civic forces in Montenegro which were against sending Montenegrin reservists to war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, this topic can be analyzed from different aspects, social, political, national, sociological, international, historical, etc. The objective of this study is to highlight the most notable individuals, groups of intellectuals, political organizations, and other associations that advocated for anti-war policies, their treatment by the authorities, and the humiliation and persecution they suffered for their views, all within the social and political context of the time. One of the challenges in writing this paper was the lack of access to archival materials, which are still not available. Consequently, this study relied heavily on the excerpts of the only independent publication in Montenegro at the time, Monitor, and the newspaper Liberal, the publications of the Liberal Alliance, as they reported on anti-war protests, interviews with prominent intellectuals, forms of resistance of various organizations and parties. Although the press is a secondary source, it provided valuable testimony in the absence of archival material. Until recently, in Montenegro almost nothing has been written about the 90’s wars. What are the reasons? This can be the subject of a separate work. But we must state that this is no longer the case. The sources from a very valuable monograph were used in this paper, the monograph in which the facts about the new Montenegrin history were revealed to the scientific and wider general public - the facts which were kept as a secret until now. However, the participation of Montenegrin reservists both in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Croatia cannot be justified by any facts. Nevertheless, it should be kept in mind that at that time, Montenegro was a member of a two-member federation (Serbia and Montenegro) and was involved in the war following the instructions of the Supreme Military Command and the political leadership in Belgrade. Unfortunately, the Montenegrin leadership blindly followed that politic. The ruling elite of the Montenegrin politics in the conjunction with the military elite deceived the people by referring to the “heroic past”, tradition, patriarchal norms which dictated that it was a shame not to respond to a military call for “the defense of the homeland”. Progressive civic forces in Montenegrin society did not think this way, and a broad anti-war movement was formed, although it remained in the shadow of those who held power in their hands. Nevertheless, the actions of civic and reformist forces in Montenegro in the 1990s have left an indelible mark on modern Montenegrin history. In addition to trying to promote reason and help the voice of justice to win, they simultaneously fought for the restoration of state independence. It was a difficult and exhausting struggle, which is still","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Sporazum Zulfikarpašić-Milošević 1991. godine","authors":"Hamza Memišević","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.209","url":null,"abstract":"Historical Background and the Emergence of New Bibliographic Units in the Context of the Contemporary Political Moment Demand a Reevaluation of Previous Interpretations Related to Events in the Territory of the Former Socialist Yugoslavia. This paper focuses on the Historical Agreement, also known as the Zulfikarpašić-Milošević Agreement, initiated by Muslims (Bosniaks). The agreement was intended as a peace and political initiative but came late in the context of the war in Croatia and the policy of regionalization pursued by the Serbian side in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After leaving the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), Adil Zulfikarpašić founded the Muslim Bosniak Organization (MBO), with the support of academician Muhamed Filipović. Dissatisfied with the policies of the SDA, Zulfikarpašić and Filipović sought to address the crisis through a different approach. In the case of the MBO, this approach involved historical reconciliation with the Serbs. While the leaders of the MBO structured this agreement as a peace and political initiative, its implementation was not possible due to the opposing state-legal concepts from the Bosniak (Muslim) side. The concept of a union of free states, central to the MBO's agreement, did not receive support from the Serbian side. In such a constellation of relationships, Yugoslavia could continue to function only as a federal state, as it best served Serbian state interests. The fundamental aim of this work is to shed light on the events preceding the agreement, what the agreement entailed, and why it ultimately failed. The introductory section of the paper analyzes Muslim (Bosniak)-Serbian historical reconciliation, which includes the period of Austro-Hungarian rule and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia when certain Muslim (Bosniak) politicians formed a specific type of alliance with the Serbs. The position of Muslims (Bosniaks) in the early 1990s significantly differed from that at the beginning of the 20th century. The paper dedicates a substantial portion of its pages to significant events in the Second Yugoslavia to provide a comprehensive synthesis. The 1974 Constitution, the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU), the rise of Milošević, the abolition of autonomy for provinces in Serbia, and the republic-level elections were all events that preceded the agreement. Special attention in the paper is given to the participants of the agreement as significant political protagonists of that period, as well as the political parties whose members were part of the agreement and the architects of the policies of that era. Adil beg Zulfikarpašić undeniably played a central role in the efforts to reach a historical agreement between Muslims (Bosniaks) and Serbs. After World War II, Zulfikarpašić went into exile, where he launched the Bosanski pogledi magazine in the early 1960s. During his time in exile, he operated from various political-ideological positions, later emerging as one of the ideologues of ","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"2 10","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Osnivanje nezavisne Republike Makedonije – Decenija meðunarodnog priznanja (1991–2001)","authors":"Mariyana Stamova","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.423","url":null,"abstract":"The process of the disintegration of the multinational Yugoslav federation at the end of the 80s and the beginning of the 90s had a strong impact on the process of the constitution of an independent Macedonian state. In those years, the Yugoslav Federation underwent a transition from the one-party rule of the Union of Communists to the establishment of a pluralistic multi-party political system. After the legalization of the possibility to create new political parties in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, various parties and associations emerged, which brought great diversity to the political life of the republic and laid the foundations of party pluralism in it. The grouping of the parties is based on the attitude towards the future development of Yugoslavia, which divides them into “pro-Yugoslav” and “national”. Along with the Macedonian national parties, political parties and associations on a national and ethno-religious basis are being created in the SR Macedonia. The difficulties in the Republic of Macedonia started parallel to the process of declaring its independence and especially after the breakup of Yugoslavia. Thus, in the early 90s, after the collapse of the multinational federation and the declaration of independence of some of its republics, such as Slovenia and Croatia, the Republic of Macedonia faced serious problems in its own state. Internally - the final independence of the state and liberation from the Yugoslav People's Army, and externally - its international recognition. And while the last decade of the 20th century was mainly related to the international recognition of the Republic of Macedonia, the first decade of the 21st century saw the country face serious international problems and confrontations mainly between the Macedonian and Albanian ethnic groups in the country, as well as the dilemma of further and steps towards membership in the Euro-Atlantic structures - in the EU and NATO.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"4 8","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Pojedina obilježja učinitelja i žrtava ratnih silovanja procesuiranih pred Sudom Bosne i Hercegovine","authors":"Vedad Gurda, Amar Lukavačkić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.397","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.397","url":null,"abstract":"During the international armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995, numerous crimes were committed, among which crimes of rape are at the top of the scale of brutality. It is estimated that between 20,000 and 50,000 women and girls were raped in the aforementioned conflict, of which the largest number of these atrocities were committed by members of the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS), the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the RS (MUP RS) and related paramilitary formations against Bosniak (muslim) women. It is to be assumed that an extremely large number of perpetrators were involved in the commission of the crimes in question, but unfortunately, a relatively modest number of suspects were prosecuted before the competent courts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the neighboring Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Serbia. Within the framework of this work, the research focus is on the prosecution of war rapes before the War Crimes Chamber of the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of the work of the mentioned court until today (2005-2023). In the indicated period, 70 wartime rape cases involving 109 defendants were processed before this judicial forum. Out of that number, 55 cases were finally concluded, with convictions in 41 cases and acquittals in 14 cases. The subject of the research was some individual characteristics of perpetrators and victims of war rape. The research sample consisted exclusively of cases in which a final conviction was passed (N=41), in which 51 defendants were declared guilty of war rape and 80 victims of this crime were identified. The research established that all the convicts were male. In addition, 72% of those convicted were members of the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS), 16% of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (RBiH Army) and 12% of the Croatian Defense Council (HVO). All members of the RBiH Army were convicted of war rape which is legally qualified as a war crime against the civilian population, which is a criminal offense that, according to the Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina (CC BiH), does not include the existence of a widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population. On the other hand, the largest number of members of the VRS and four members of the HVO who were prosecuted for wartime rape were convicted of having committed that crime as a crime against humanity, which included a campaign of widespread, massive and systematic criminal activity connected with other crimes (murder , torture, imprisonment, deportation of the population, enforced disappearance, etc.). About half of those legally convicted of war rape before the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina were convicted for crimes committed in eastern Bosnia (Foča 24%, Višegrad 16%, Vlasenica 6% and Rogatica 2%). At the same time, approximately 1/3 of wartime rapes (31%) were committed in a camp, 10% in a pu","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Aktivnosti Centra za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla u 2022. godini","authors":"Jasmin Jajčević","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.485","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.485","url":null,"abstract":"Aktivnosti Centra za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla u 2022. godini // Activities of Center for Research of Modern and Contemporary History Tuzla in 2022.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"2 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Razvoj visokog školstva u Bosni i Hercegovini: Istorijsko-statistička analiza","authors":"Mirjana Manojlović","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.188","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents the development of higher education in Bosnia and Herzegovina from its first serious beginnings after the Second World War until today. Considering the modest foundations of education in general, its highest level is an expression of the entire socio-historical development. The specific geographical position caused the intertwining of different influences from the East and the West on the soil of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This was also reflected in different approaches to education during the Ottoman Empire, Austria-Hungary, and later the two Yugoslavias, up to today's independent state. These conceptions had their consequences in the development of education and society's attitude towards it. However, the period after the Second World War proved to be the most intense due to the parallel work on the fast elimination of the problems of illiteracy, the lack of schools, teaching staff and the availability of education to the masses. Therefore, the radical social transformation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was particularly noticeable in the field of education. The basic source of data is official statistics from the era of Yugoslavia and contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina. Data from the two entities and the Brčko district were combined when possible. The most important author's publications, regional and foreign, which can contribute to a better knowledge of this topic, were consulted as well. Emphasis is placed on the change in the total number of students and the participation of the male and female population in this cycle of education. Some specific tendencies were noticed. The first is a negative downward trend occurred after achieving historical growth in the number of students. In this way is represented the gradual change in the educational structure of this age group. At the end of the observed period, it is visibly different compared to the initial state. Different factors have had an impact in different periods. First of all, these are the (un)availability of education for women and the weakness of school infrastructure. Today's values are the result of negative demographic trends such as declining birth rates and migration. What unites all periods are the consequences of the direct war losses of the population. The results in the previous decade are still at a high level compared to the Yugoslav period. However, Bosnia and Herzegovina still lags behind other countries in the region. Moreover, its results are barely more than half of the European average. Slower growth, and later a decrease in the number of students shows a long-term lack of interest in higher education among this part of the population. This is why the gender gap is widening. Considering the essential role of education in the progress of society as a whole, the development of higher education contributes to a large extent to the better living standard of the population, creating the necessary preconditions for different social relations. In the first pla","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"4 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Utjecaj austro-ugarskih planova o izgradnji Sandžačke željeznice na Bihor i Novopazarski sandžak","authors":"Sait Š. Šabotić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.72","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.72","url":null,"abstract":"The emergence of railways brought about new possibilities in people's lives, as well as in terms of political plans and actions. Railway activities began in the Balkans in the second half of the 19th century and had a significant impact on the relationships between Balkan states. This work explores the potential influence of Austro-Hungarian plans for the construction of the Sandjak Railway in the region of Bihor and the broader areas of Bijelo Polje and the Novi Pazar Sandjak, which were part of the Ottoman Empire. Austro-Hungary had expressed its ambitions in the Balkans even before the Berlin Congress, seeing the region as a bridge that could connect them to the warm Aegean Sea and further to the Middle East. The construction of the railway was one of the means by which Austro-Hungary sought to expand its influence in the Balkans. Such significant political intentions did not go unnoticed by the Ottoman Empire, which aimed to preserve its territorial integrity and possessions in that part of the Balkans. Slovene states and peoples traditionally sought protection in Russia, giving Russia an opportunity to express its own interest in exerting political influence in this part of Europe. Recognizing that Austro-Hungary was its main rival in the Balkans, Russia reached an agreement with them in 1897 to maintain the status quo. This agreement was further confirmed by the Treaty of Mürzsteg in 1903, which aimed to mutually neutralize or divide spheres of interest, with Bulgaria falling under Russian influence and Serbia under Austro-Hungarian. Austro-Hungary's primary goal was to prevent the creation of a large state in the region from the Danube to the Adriatic Sea, which would block its path eastward. As Serbia was located in that region, Austro-Hungarian propaganda was directed against it, despite traditionally good relations with the Obrenović dynasty. Austro-Hungary attempted to strengthen its political plans through the construction of a suitable railway network, which would facilitate easier and faster control of the desired territory. This led to the advocacy of the so-called “Novi Pazar Railway,” which would connect Uvac with Mitrovica. However, German Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow advised Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Agenor Romuald Gołuchowski to abandon this plan due to the unfavorable situation in Macedonia, where unrest was brewing. Austro-Hungarian diplomacy did not want to make a public and final decision on this proposal. All of the above had an impact on the population of all parts of the Novi Pazar Sandjak. The work examines how the construction of the railway would have stimulated economic development in the entire region by creating new trade routes and encouraging investment in economic sectors such as trade and agriculture. The paper also provides insights into potential changes in the demographic structure through the influx of populations from other parts of the Ottoman Empire and Austro-Hungary, which the railway w","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"4 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227172","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Ka NATO putu – Od formiranja i ustrojstva Armije Republike Bosne i Hercegovine do Oružanih snaga Bosne i Hercegovine","authors":"Meldijana Arnaut Haseljić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.283","url":null,"abstract":"The concrete plans for the preparation and execution of aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina were drawn up by the General Staff of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) in Belgrade. The JNA, in conjunction with the political leadership of Serbia and Bosnian Serbs, defined the objectives, planned, and determined the tactics and methods of waging war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In response to the aggression and the need for the survival of the state and all its peoples who considered Bosnia and Herzegovina as their homeland, the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged. The legally elected representatives of the authorities and institutions of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina had the obligation to protect the territorial integrity of the state, its citizens, economy, culture, and other assets. To make this possible, the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina made a decision to mobilize units of the Territorial Defense, the reserve component of the police, and civil defense units, followed by the issuance of regulations by the Presidency to regulate the formation and composition of the armed forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, thereby transforming the Territorial Defense into the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Army became the core of the formation of the Federation's military and later the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today, Bosnia and Herzegovina's foreign policy is focused on preserving and advancing lasting peace, security, stable democratic development, and contributing to international peace and security. The principle of collective security is the cornerstone of the long-term military strategy. Achieving the military security of Bosnia and Herzegovina includes membership in NATO, where the Alliance guarantees national sovereignty and territorial integrity. The first step in this direction is membership in NATO's political-military program, Partnership for Peace (PfP), which Bosnia and Herzegovina joined on December 14, 2006. Membership in NATO and the European Union are strategic goals of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in line with this, there is a striving for full NATO membership, which implies the integration of the armed forces into NATO's military structure, especially in peacekeeping missions and humanitarian operations. The formal basis for PfP is the Framework Document, which envisions the commitment of allies to consult with each partner country that believes its territorial integrity is threatened or its political independence or security is in danger. Under this document, individual countries and the NATO Alliance develop and align individual partnership programs with the goal of achieving NATO standards, procuring military equipment, training and education of military personnel, joint maneuvers and exercises, and other areas of cooperation.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 10","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}