{"title":"Possessives and spatial expressions in Spanish","authors":"Olga Fernandez Soriano, Francisco Ordoñez","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.383","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.383","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to analyze a type of Spanish (and Romance) complex locative non-directional prepositional expressions taking a genitive complement, like encima/cerca de (“on top/near of”). We will center our attention on an alternation that has gone unnoticed by most theoretical and descriptive grammars: this genitive complement may appear as an argument of the main predicate and show dative case (se sentó encima de Juan, “(S)he sat on top of Juan” > se le sentó encima, “Lit. (S)he DAT sat on top”). Most of these complex PPs may correspond to what has been called ‘Axial Parts’ (Svenonius 2006, 2008), but the paradigm extends to other cases. Based on work by Larson and Samiian (2021) on the typology of nominalization in prepositions in Iranian Persian, we show that the common property of these prepositional expressions is that they contain a nominal element: a relational noun or a nominalized preposition. Apart from the dative alternation, one of the properties shown by complex locative prepositions in Spanish is that a stressed postnominal possessive is allowed, which can be masculine or feminine, giving rise to dialectal variation: detrás mío/mía, Lit. “behind mine”, cerca mío/mía, Lit. “near mine”. We will show that what determines the gender of the possessive is the nominalizer and the level of grammaticalization of the nominal head.","PeriodicalId":503145,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141352074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"V-Doubling subordinates of immediate succession","authors":"María Victoria Pavón, Avel.lina Suñer","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.386","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.386","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper we study a case of diachronic and diaphasic variation consisting in a subordination strategy for expressing immediate succession present in the cultivated narrative language of Classical Spanish. This strategy is based on verbal doubling (V-doubling), a pattern also found in some contemporary Atlantic creole languages. We analyze the elements that constitute this type of sequences and examine the similarities and differences between the constructions of Classical Spanish and those of the Creoles. We also compare the constructions of Classical Spanish with similar structures without V-doubling, present in all periods of Spanish, in order to detail the link of V-doubling with focalization of the end of the first event. The strategy analyzed was a transitory way to cover the absence of subordinators expressing immediate succession in an unambiguous way during the chronological period in which it existed.","PeriodicalId":503145,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141353102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On morphological alternation and late insertion","authors":"M. Mare, Enrique Pato","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.381","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.381","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses morphological alternations in the so-called strong preterits in Spanish. The starting point is the variation phenomenon known as Analogical Strong Preterits, which is characterized by the formation of 3PL on the basis of 3SG, adding the exponent /n/: dij-o-n, instead of general dije-ro-n ‘they said’. Although this is the way in which the 3PL is obtained in the rest of the paradigm, Spanish preterits regularly present the segment -ro- at the left of -n. The varieties with Analogical Strong Preterits preserve the segment -ro- in all the other verbs (canta-ro-n ‘they sang’), but shows this particular form in the case of strong preterits. Within the framework of Distributed Morphology, we explore the morphological alternations found in relation to verbal stems (dec-/dij- for √SAY) and functional morphology (-ro/-o for T/Pers). Our approach focuses on the properties of Vocabulary Items and the locality of terminal nodes for vocabulary insertion, avoiding thus any kind of post-syntactic operation.","PeriodicalId":503145,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141353622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Neither agreement nor pronouns","authors":"Andrés Saab","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.379","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.379","url":null,"abstract":"Baker & Kramer (2018) suggests that the distribution of clitic doubling in Spanish follows from Weak Crossover. Thus, the fact that in accusative clitic doubling bare wh-phrases cannot be doubled (e.g., *¿A quién lo viste? ‘Who did you see?’) is explained by the same reason that explains a standard WCO violation (e.g., *?¿A quién vio su madre? ‘Who did her mother see?’). If this in on the right track, then, accusative doubling clitics must be considered plain pronouns. The fact that the distribution of dative clitic doubling is wider than accusative clitic doubling, allowing, for instance, the doubling of bare wh-phrases (e.g., ¿A quién le diste un libro? ‘Who did you give a book?’), is, consequently, taken by Baker & Kramer as evidence that dative doubling clitics cannot be pronouns, but mere agreement markers. In this reply, I show, mainly based on data from Rioplatense Spanish, that both conclusions are incorrect. Baker & Kramer’s suggestion regarding accusative doubling both overgenerates and undergenerates. What regulates the distribution of doubling clitics in Rioplatense Spanish and beyond is the inflectional makeup of objects. Concretely, direct objects are doubled whenever they bear a [person] feature (Di Tullio et al 2019), whereas indirect objects are doubled by the mere presence of a [D]-feature (Pujalte & Saab 2018). Yet, despite this difference, both are probes for A-movement and predicate-makers at LF, i.e., neither plain pronouns nor mere agreement markers. ","PeriodicalId":503145,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141353183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Lessons from overtly-headed exclamatives in Spanish varieties","authors":"J. Villa-García","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.380","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.380","url":null,"abstract":"Inverting wh-exclamative sentences with an overt complementizer in languages like Spanish pose a serious challenge to traditional accounts of obligatory subject-verb inversion. Such analyses assume either T-to-C movement or Spec,TP as an A-bar position capable of hosting wh-phrases and subjects alike. The optional presence of a complementizer in the head of CP in exclamatives prevents the verb from moving to CP, which argues against an analysis of inversion wherein the verb moves to Cº. Regarding the Spec,TP-as-an-A-bar-position account, if the wh-phrase sits in Spec,TP and competes with the subject for that position, the presence of a complementizer below wh-phrases in exclamatives is then rather mysterious, since que ‘that’ is standardly assumed to signal the presence of CP structure –not IP/TP structure. However, for those cases in which the complementizer occurs, a combined approach consisting of a modification of the Spec,TP-as-an-A-bar-position account which assumes further movement of the exclamative wh-phrase to a CP-related/left-peripheral projection headed by the complementizer is shown to be empirically superior to the competing proposals on the market. Furthermore, dialect data show that the presence of que is sensitive to the type of exclamative phrase in its specifier. The inverting exclamative data with overt que also indicate that it is the full projection consisting of the exclamative wh-phrase in the specifier plus the overt complementizer in the head that needs to be adjacent to the verb in such environments.","PeriodicalId":503145,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141351900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The modularty of agreement variation","authors":"Javier Ormazabal, Juan Romero","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.389","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.389","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, following Ormazabal & Romero (2022) insights, a modular approach to agreement variation is proposed where syntactic relations are uniform, dialectal variation is determined in morphology, and extragrammatical modules deal with sociolinguistic variation. While dialectal variation is systematic, dependent on hierarchical relations, and occurs within linguistic communities; sociolinguistic agreement variation is arbitrary, linearly determined, and subject to socioeconomic and educational pressures.","PeriodicalId":503145,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141349856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Events and copulas","authors":"Gonzalo Escribano","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.388","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.388","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on the study of a particular phenomenon of variation related to the distribution of Spanish copulas: the (in)compatibility of event nouns with predication structures where the copula estar and an evaluative adjective are combined. Some structures, such as La boda estuvo preciosa (‘The wedding wasESTAR beautiful’) are present across all Spanish varieties, contrasting with examples such as La tormenta estuvo horrible (‘The storm wasESTAR horrible’), that are attested only in certain specific varieties, and that could be considered an instance of so-called innovative uses of estar. We give here a first picture of the extension of this phenomenon. Secondly, we develop the relevant distinction within the domain of event nouns that is needed to give an accurate explanation of the facts under examination. Finally, we show how these facts fit within the overall picture of copulative variation in Spanish, thus making a significant contribution to our broad understanding of Spanish copulas.","PeriodicalId":503145,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141353264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The D(emonstrative)-construction","authors":"Gabrielle R. Isgar, Antje Muntendam, Lara Reglero","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.403","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores a newly identified contrastive topic configuration in Spanish. Coined by de Andrade (2018) for Galician and European Portuguese, the D(emonstrative)-construction features a left-dislocated topic and d(emonstrative)-pronoun resumptive. This study investigates whether the D-construction exists in Spanish, and if so, with which syntactic properties.\u0000We administered an acceptability judgment task on the D-construction, Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD), Hanging Topic Left Dislocation (HTLD) and Focus Fronting (FF) to Spanish speakers. The task tested the role of the left-dislocate, case connectivity, subject-verb inversion, embedding, recursivity, and sensitivity to island constraints.\u0000Simple instances of the D-construction received consistently high ratings, demonstrating that it exists in Spanish. There was individual variation regarding the role of the left-dislocate and case connectivity. The D-construction did not require subject-verb inversion, was non-recursive and demonstrated selective island sensitivity. Findings for CLLD, HTLD and FF were mostly in line with previous literature.\u0000The D-construction did not exactly pattern with CLLD, HTLD, nor FF; it is characterized by a unique set of syntactic properties. We propose that both left-dislocated elements are base-generated at Spec, TopP: the fronted DP is a hanging topic, and its resumptive d-pronoun is linked to a clitic within the main clause via an A'-chain.","PeriodicalId":503145,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141373362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Klaus von Heusinger, Tiago Augusto Duarte, Marco García
{"title":"Differential Object Marking and discourse prominence in Spanish","authors":"Klaus von Heusinger, Tiago Augusto Duarte, Marco García","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.394","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.394","url":null,"abstract":"Spanish, like many other Romance and non-Romance languages, shows Differential Object Marking (DOM), i.e., some direct objects are morphologically marked by the prepositional marker a ‘to’, while others remain unmarked. The literature has proposed different sentential parameters in order to capture this variation (Fábregas 2013, among others), including topicality (see Leonetti 2004, Iemmolo 2010, among others). In addition, Laca (1995: 82f.) has argued that DOM also depends on discourse properties. She assumes that in Spanish the use of DOM with an indefinite direct object signals that more information about this object referent is to be expected in the upcoming discourse (see also Comrie 1981/1989). First empirical evidence for this hypothesis comes from DOM in Romanian (Chiriacescu & von Heusinger 2010). In this paper we explore the hypothesis that, in Spanish, human indefinite direct objects with DOM show more forward-looking potential than those without DOM. We present original results from two corpus studies and two paragraph continuation tasks. The corpus studies provide support for the discourse effect of DOM, while the paragraph continuation tasks do not, which might be due to the particular design of our experimental items. We evaluate the different parameters that contribute to the discourse prominence of a direct object with DOM and those that might mask such effects. We conclude that there is evidence that DOM contributes to discourse prominence, but that further studies are necessary.","PeriodicalId":503145,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141375749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Como-gerund clauses in European Portuguese","authors":"Antonio Leal, Maria Lobo, P. Silvano","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.329","url":null,"abstract":"Previous literature on the typology of gerund clauses in Portuguese has overlooked a peculiar type of clauses which are always introduced by como (‘as’) and display an array of characteristics that set them apart from all other gerund clauses (and from other, somehow similar, constructions in different languages). In this paper, we provide an in-depth syntactic and semantic characterisation of these como-gerund clauses and the contexts in which they arise, highlighting their similarities and differences regarding other constructions, namely resultative and depictive secondary predicates. We put forward a proposal to deal with their syntactic configurations and the restrictions they exhibit. We also propose that como is obligatory in these clauses because it marks a type-shift operation, which gives como gerund clauses a predicative interpretation, usually found in the nominal domain.","PeriodicalId":503145,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140982901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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