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Reassessing pseudosluicing in Austronesian 重新评估南岛语中的假喉音
Syntax Pub Date : 2024-02-27 DOI: 10.1111/synt.12272
John Middleton
{"title":"Reassessing pseudosluicing in Austronesian","authors":"John Middleton","doi":"10.1111/synt.12272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12272","url":null,"abstract":"Pseudosluicing diagnostics have played an important role in wider debates about sluicing. Sluicing is the term used to describe the deletion of an embedded clausal constituent, which leaves only a wh‐phrase overt. Genuine sluicing requires syntactic or semantic identity between the sluiced clause and its antecedent, contrasting with pseudosluicing, in which <jats:italic>pro</jats:italic>‐drop creates the appearance of a sluice but no identity is required. The underlying structure of sluicing in several Austronesian languages has been argued to be pseudoclefts, which involve a nominal wh‐predicate and a headless relative clause argument. Both Malagasy and Nukuoro have been analysed as having pseudocleft sluicing, and on the basis of this, claims about the type of identity required in sluicing have been made. Both analyses rely on diagnostics that rule out the possibility of pseudosluicing. This paper reexamines the pseudosluicing diagnostics used for Malagasy and Nukuoro and concludes that they have been insufficiently controlled for. This is supported by data from Madurese showing that pseudosluicing diagnostics are inconclusive in these Austronesian languages. Language‐internal support is needed for such diagnostics, especially as they play an important role in the conclusions drawn from Austronesian languages on the wider identity requirement for sluicing. Three language‐specific diagnostics are given which are successfully able to identify pseudosluicing in Madurese.","PeriodicalId":501329,"journal":{"name":"Syntax","volume":"41 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140025160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Cantonese dislocation: Parallel chains or cyclic linearization? 广东话错位：平行链还是循环线性化？
Syntax Pub Date : 2024-02-23 DOI: 10.1111/synt.12279
Jackie Yan‐Ki Lai
{"title":"Cantonese dislocation: Parallel chains or cyclic linearization?","authors":"Jackie Yan‐Ki Lai","doi":"10.1111/synt.12279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12279","url":null,"abstract":"This paper offers a critique of the cyclic linearization account of Cantonese dislocation recently advocated by Lee (2021). It shows that the ordering‐based analysis encounters a number of nonobvious problems when compared with the existing parallel‐chain account (Lai, 2019) and that the latter can be maintained under a broadened empirical landscape. The discussion bears on the development of a general theory of dislocation.","PeriodicalId":501329,"journal":{"name":"Syntax","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139947446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Malagasy phrasal comparative 马达加斯加语的短语比较级
Syntax Pub Date : 2024-02-23 DOI: 10.1111/synt.12268
Eric Potsdam
{"title":"The Malagasy phrasal comparative","authors":"Eric Potsdam","doi":"10.1111/synt.12268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12268","url":null,"abstract":"There is no consensus in the literature on the analysis of phrasal comparatives. Both reduced clause analyses, in which the standard phrase contains elided clausal structure, and direct analyses, in which the standard of comparison is a direct complement to the standard marker, have been proposed. This paper argues for a direct analysis of the phrasal comparative in Malagasy, an Austronesian language spoken on the island of Madagascar. Evidence for the direct analysis comes from the lack of overt clausal comparatives, Binding Theory, scope, and Malagasy‐specific characteristics of the standard. The conclusion contributes to the rapidly expanding picture of cross‐linguistic variation in comparative syntax.","PeriodicalId":501329,"journal":{"name":"Syntax","volume":"167 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139947297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
On the Parataxis of Arabic split questions 论阿拉伯语分词问题的 Parataxis
Syntax Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1111/synt.12270
Ali Alzayid
{"title":"On the Parataxis of Arabic split questions","authors":"Ali Alzayid","doi":"10.1111/synt.12270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12270","url":null,"abstract":"In this article I present an analysis of split questions (SQs) in Modern Standard Arabic. I argue that this construction is best analyzed as a biclausal articulation, where two clauses are meditated by a special relation of coordination dubbed “Specifying Coordination.” Contrary to the previous literature on SQs, I maintain, on empirical and conceptual grounds, that SQs are best derived in a movement-free fashion by treating them as a constellation of two well-motivated operations in the grammar: ellipsis and coordination. If on track, the merit of this proposal is to derive peripheral phenomena, such as SQs, from core principles of the grammar.","PeriodicalId":501329,"journal":{"name":"Syntax","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139947637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Arguments against head-stranding ellipsis in Japanese: A reply to Funakoshi (2016) 反对日语中的head-stranding省略的论据：对船越（2016）的答复
Syntax Pub Date : 2024-02-12 DOI: 10.1111/synt.12273
Tomoya Tanabe, Ryoichiro Kobayashi
{"title":"Arguments against head-stranding ellipsis in Japanese: A reply to Funakoshi (2016)","authors":"Tomoya Tanabe, Ryoichiro Kobayashi","doi":"10.1111/synt.12273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12273","url":null,"abstract":"Whether syntactic head movement exists in Japanese has been hotly debated because of the strictly head-final character of the language. This paper addresses this issue, focusing on data regarding null adjuncts. We demonstrate that the head-stranding ellipsis (HSE) analysis of null adjuncts is not conclusive. To achieve this, we show that null adjuncts are more widely observed than the HSE analysis predicts. Specifically, we provide a new set of data that challenges Funakoshi's (2016) generalization regarding null adjuncts, which he claims his verb-stranding VP-ellipsis analysis explains. We also present a novel observation that some null adjuncts take scope over negation, contrary to what the HSE analysis predicts. Furthermore, we show that null adjuncts are derived even if the verb does not raise. Given these findings, we explore alternative analyses of null adjuncts that do not assume head movement. In particular, we discuss the pragmatic enrichment analysis as well as the adjunct ellipsis analysis, and suggest that the distribution of null adjuncts is better analyzed by a pragmatic account in line with Landau (2023). This paper concludes that any arguments for head movement based on the HSE analysis of null adjuncts are inconclusive at best.","PeriodicalId":501329,"journal":{"name":"Syntax","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139767209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Auxiliary selection in Italian restructuring: An insight into the size of the clause 意大利语重组中的助词选择：洞察分句的大小
Syntax Pub Date : 2024-02-07 DOI: 10.1111/synt.12265
Irene Amato
{"title":"Auxiliary selection in Italian restructuring: An insight into the size of the clause","authors":"Irene Amato","doi":"10.1111/synt.12265","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12265","url":null,"abstract":"In Standard Italian, restructuring clauses are characterized by apparently optional transparency effects in the choice of the clausal perfect auxiliary. In the perfect periphrasis, the auxiliary associated with the modal verb can be either HAVE or the one corresponding to the lexical verb (BE or HAVE). In this paper, I argue that there is no true optionality: different auxiliaries show up because the modal verb can select complements of different sizes. Assuming that auxiliary selection is a form of person Agree, different complement sizes determine different Agree domains. In particular, the “transparent” auxiliary results from a vP complement, while a TP complement leads to HAVE insertion.","PeriodicalId":501329,"journal":{"name":"Syntax","volume":"48 37","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139798090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Auxiliary selection in Italian restructuring: An insight into the size of the clause 意大利语重组中的助词选择：洞察分句的大小
Syntax Pub Date : 2024-02-07 DOI: 10.1111/synt.12265
Irene Amato
{"title":"Auxiliary selection in Italian restructuring: An insight into the size of the clause","authors":"Irene Amato","doi":"10.1111/synt.12265","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12265","url":null,"abstract":"In Standard Italian, restructuring clauses are characterized by apparently optional transparency effects in the choice of the clausal perfect auxiliary. In the perfect periphrasis, the auxiliary associated with the modal verb can be either HAVE or the one corresponding to the lexical verb (BE or HAVE). In this paper, I argue that there is no true optionality: different auxiliaries show up because the modal verb can select complements of different sizes. Assuming that auxiliary selection is a form of person Agree, different complement sizes determine different Agree domains. In particular, the “transparent” auxiliary results from a vP complement, while a TP complement leads to HAVE insertion.","PeriodicalId":501329,"journal":{"name":"Syntax","volume":"42 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139857942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Island effects and amelioration by resumption in Jordanian Arabic: An auditory acceptability-judgment study 约旦阿拉伯语中的孤岛效应和恢复后的改善：听觉可接受性判断研究
Syntax Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1111/synt.12262
Rania Al-Aqarbeh, Jon Sprouse
{"title":"Island effects and amelioration by resumption in Jordanian Arabic: An auditory acceptability-judgment study","authors":"Rania Al-Aqarbeh, Jon Sprouse","doi":"10.1111/synt.12262","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12262","url":null,"abstract":"This study brings evidence from Jordanian Arabic, a primarily spoken grammatical-resumption language, into the (formal-experimental) empirical base of both theories of island effects and theories of island amelioration by resumption. We report four auditory judgment studies exploring two dependency types and four island types with a gap or resumption in the tail of the dependency, yielding 16 distinct quantified effects. Our experiments identified two notable sources of variation: variation across dependency types in the sets of island effects that occur with gaps and variation across island types in amelioration by resumption. We discuss the challenges these results raise for four major classes of theories of island effects, and we point to paths forward for each. We also discuss the consequences of the variation in amelioration for theories of the source of resumption, concluding that both base generation and movement must be available options to learners of Jordanian Arabic. We also observe some evidence of individual variation in the availability of resumption across dependency types that could be explored in future studies.","PeriodicalId":501329,"journal":{"name":"Syntax","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138688527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Licensing unergative objects in ergative languages: The view from Polynesian 否定语言中的非否定宾语:来自波利尼西亚语的观点
Syntax Pub Date : 2022-05-20 DOI: 10.1111/synt.12232
Rebecca Tollan, Diane Massam
{"title":"Licensing unergative objects in ergative languages: The view from Polynesian","authors":"Rebecca Tollan, Diane Massam","doi":"10.1111/synt.12232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12232","url":null,"abstract":"Transitive and unergative verbs have long received a uniform syntactic analysis, where they differ in whether an overt object is present (in transitives) or absent (in unergatives). We examine how objects of unergative verbs are case licensed when they <i>are</i> present, focusing on a contrast between two related Polynesian languages: Samoan and Niuean. Both languages have ergative case systems, with subjects of intransitive verbs receiving absolutive case. When unergatives have an overt object, however, a difference emerges. In Samoan, ergative case is absent: the subject of a transitivized unergative is absolutive, and the object receives “middle case.” In Niuean, the resulting transitive exhibits an ergative–absolutive frame. Working within a split-vP system, we propose that the contrast between Samoan and Niuean results from the interaction of three parametric differences. This comparative analysis highlights the importance of considering unergative constructions when determining the underlying syntax of any given case system.","PeriodicalId":501329,"journal":{"name":"Syntax","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138521483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
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