{"title":"The lexical source of BIN and habitual be in African American English","authors":"Nicholas Sobin","doi":"10.1111/synt.12269","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Although various works on African American English (AAE) offer significant and insightful analyses of the semantic interpretation of its aspectual elements, including in particular stressed remote past <jats:italic>BIN</jats:italic> and habitual <jats:italic>be</jats:italic> (<jats:italic>be</jats:italic><jats:sub>hab</jats:sub>), the syntactic analysis of these elements is problematic. <jats:italic>BIN</jats:italic> and <jats:italic>be</jats:italic><jats:sub>hab</jats:sub> are claimed to be invariant lexical elements with fixed semantic values, and to not interact with INFL (Tense) as auxiliaries do, thus not displaying subject–verb agreement or undergoing any operations typical of finite auxiliaries. However, considerations including syntactic positioning, accompanying auxiliaries, patterns of verb affixation, and the formation of active and passive sentences point instead to <jats:italic>BIN</jats:italic> and <jats:italic>be</jats:italic><jats:sub>hab</jats:sub> being in most instances phonetic manifestations of any of the various ordinary auxiliary verbs <jats:italic>be</jats:italic> (progressive, passive, and copular), elements of the system of auxiliaries common to both AAE and Mainstream American English (MAE). The surface forms <jats:italic>BIN</jats:italic> and <jats:italic>be</jats:italic> are sufficient to trigger their special meanings in logical representation. Semantically dedicated lexical elements are unnecessary. The various interpretations of sentences containing these forms are due to constructional semantic interpretation of various combinations of surface elements. This analysis further reveals the existence of another AAE innovation, a fourth auxiliary verb <jats:italic>be</jats:italic> unique to AAE indicating simple past.","PeriodicalId":501329,"journal":{"name":"Syntax","volume":"303 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2024-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Syntax","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12269","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
Although various works on African American English (AAE) offer significant and insightful analyses of the semantic interpretation of its aspectual elements, including in particular stressed remote past BIN and habitual be (behab), the syntactic analysis of these elements is problematic. BIN and behab are claimed to be invariant lexical elements with fixed semantic values, and to not interact with INFL (Tense) as auxiliaries do, thus not displaying subject–verb agreement or undergoing any operations typical of finite auxiliaries. However, considerations including syntactic positioning, accompanying auxiliaries, patterns of verb affixation, and the formation of active and passive sentences point instead to BIN and behab being in most instances phonetic manifestations of any of the various ordinary auxiliary verbs be (progressive, passive, and copular), elements of the system of auxiliaries common to both AAE and Mainstream American English (MAE). The surface forms BIN and be are sufficient to trigger their special meanings in logical representation. Semantically dedicated lexical elements are unnecessary. The various interpretations of sentences containing these forms are due to constructional semantic interpretation of various combinations of surface elements. This analysis further reveals the existence of another AAE innovation, a fourth auxiliary verb be unique to AAE indicating simple past.