International Organization最新文献

Asset Mobility and Property Rights 资产流动与产权

IF 7.8 1区社会学

International Organization Pub Date : 2026-04-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0020818326101325

Amy Pond

{"title":"Asset Mobility and Property Rights","authors":"Amy Pond","doi":"10.1017/s0020818326101325","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020818326101325","url":null,"abstract":"How does asset mobility affect the provision of property rights? Existing research anticipates that firm owners with mobile assets are effective at pressuring the government for property rights. In this research note, I examine not just the influence of firm owners but also their preferences. I develop a formal model to show that owners of mobile assets, who may move their assets out of the government’s reach, have less to gain from property rights enforcement than owners with less mobile assets. Moreover, once one considers heterogeneous firms competing with one another, firms with more mobile assets may gain a competitive advantage from policies that are disproportionately costly for their competitors (like violations of property rights). I evaluate the model propositions drawing on empirical analyses of survey data from business executives in Latin America and cross-national, time-series data on firm profits. The findings from Latin America show that business executives with less mobile assets report greater need for property rights improvements. Cross-nationally, property rights increase the profits of firms, but the effects are confined to firms with substantial immobile assets. These findings are consistent with the smaller benefits of property rights among firms with more mobile assets. The research note unites the literatures on heterogeneous firms and the development of property rights to challenge the conventional wisdom about how asset mobility affects property rights.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"41 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2026-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147733620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Convergent Flexibility: How International Law Keeps Pace with Technological Change 趋同的灵活性：国际法如何跟上技术变革的步伐

IF 7.8 1区社会学

International Organization Pub Date : 2026-03-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0020818326101295

Justin Key Canfil

{"title":"Convergent Flexibility: How International Law Keeps Pace with Technological Change","authors":"Justin Key Canfil","doi":"10.1017/s0020818326101295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020818326101295","url":null,"abstract":"If change is the only constant, how does the law keep pace with technology? Without a centralized judiciary, international law should be especially susceptible to disruption, yet it can be remarkably resilient in practice. I argue that efforts to minimize legal ambiguity, long seen as integral to compliance, can hinder its application to new technologies. Drawing on first principles from psycholinguistics, my theory differentiates between what I call convergent and divergent forms of flexibility. Unlike divergent flexibility, which gives rise to contestation, convergent flexibility tends to promote consensus, even when (1) technology is unprecedented and (2) regulatory interests sharply diverge. To test the theory, $450$ trained legal professionals were commissioned to take part in a randomized controlled trial (RCT) that varied technological novelty, legal precision, and political incentives. Participants collectively contributed 280,000 words over 10,000 hours in defense of their professional legal opinions, offering a novel (agent-subjective) measure of compliance. To establish external validity, the experiment is complemented with research into the legal impact of two breakthrough chemical weapons technologies: “super tear gas” and novichok . The findings contribute a general theoretical framework for understanding when and why emerging technologies are legally disruptive.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2026-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147519297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

How Threats of American Withdrawal from NATO Affect European Public Attitudes Toward Defense 美国退出北约的威胁如何影响欧洲公众对防务的态度

IF 7.8 1区社会学

International Organization Pub Date : 2026-03-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0020818326101313

Hannah Jakob Barrett, Eric Gabo Ekeberg Nilsen

{"title":"How Threats of American Withdrawal from NATO Affect European Public Attitudes Toward Defense","authors":"Hannah Jakob Barrett, Eric Gabo Ekeberg Nilsen","doi":"10.1017/s0020818326101313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020818326101313","url":null,"abstract":"How does the threat of a dominant ally withdrawing affect public attitudes toward defense spending and defense cooperation in alliances? Despite extensive literature on foreign policy attitudes, we lack research that causally examines this pivotal question in a realistic setting. Addressing this gap, we utilize the novel circumstances surrounding the coin-toss 2024 US presidential election to test how the unprecedented uncertainty of the US commitment to NATO affects public attitudes toward defense in allied countries. Using a preregistered survey experiment in the United Kingdom, Sweden, and Germany, we investigate how an uncertain election defined by contrasting candidate rhetoric influenced European public opinion in an era of renewed Russian military threats. We find that US threats of withdrawal made respondents significantly more willing to spend on defense, and less willing to support continued defense cooperation in NATO. We demonstrate that threats of withdrawal also increased the public’s preference for national security autonomy, and explore whether declining confidence in NATO allies explains this effect. By inciting fears of abandonment, threats of withdrawal create concrete consequences not only for defense spending preferences, but also the types of cooperation that allies may pursue in lieu of the dominant ally’s commitment.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2026-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147518831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Institutional Racism in International Relations 国际关系中的制度性种族主义

IF 7.8 1区社会学

International Organization Pub Date : 2026-03-03 DOI: 10.1017/s0020818325101252

Phillip Y. Lipscy, Jiajia Zhou

引用次数: 0

International Financial Institutions and the Promotion of Autocratic Resilience 国际金融机构与专制韧性的提升

IF 7.8 1区社会学

International Organization Pub Date : 2026-03-03 DOI: 10.1017/s0020818325101276

Christina Cottiero, Christina J. Schneider

引用次数: 0

Geography of Grievance: Industrial Hubs Magnify Political Discontent 不满的地理：工业中心放大了政治不满

IF 7.8 1区社会学

International Organization Pub Date : 2026-02-13 DOI: 10.1017/s0020818325101203

Sung Eun Kim, Krzysztof Pelc

{"title":"Geography of Grievance: Industrial Hubs Magnify Political Discontent","authors":"Sung Eun Kim, Krzysztof Pelc","doi":"10.1017/s0020818325101203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020818325101203","url":null,"abstract":"Why do some economic shocks have political consequences, upturning elections and ushering in radical candidates, while others are brushed off as structural change? We address this puzzle by looking to geographically concentrated industries, and how they relate to regional identity. While most often presented as a source of regional strength, we show that industrial hubs in the United States have accounted for more job losses than gains over the last twenty years. We then show how this matters through three original survey studies. Workers in geographically concentrated industries belong to denser, more deeply-rooted peer networks; these are associated with a stronger view that politicians are responsible for preventing layoffs. Those same individuals also perceive economic shocks of equal magnitude as more damaging to their region’s standing, compared to the rest of the country. Perceptions of lost regional standing, in turn, are associated with greater demand for populist leadership traits. Finally, we show how these individual attitudes translate into aggregate political behavior. Employment losses in industrial hubs are tied to greater support for Republican candidates, while equivalent losses in non-hubs show no analogous effect. Our account presents a competing picture to the dominant narrative of industrial hubs as founts of innovation and productivity. When threatened by structural forces, such hubs can turn instead into founts of political resentment.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"299 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2026-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"146169593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Closing Pandora’s Box: Can Shared Vulnerability Underpin Territorial Stability? 关闭潘多拉魔盒：共同的脆弱性能否巩固领土稳定？

IF 7.8 1区社会学

International Organization Pub Date : 2026-02-04 DOI: 10.1017/s0020818325101240

Jamie Hintson, Kenneth A. Schultz

{"title":"Closing Pandora’s Box: Can Shared Vulnerability Underpin Territorial Stability?","authors":"Jamie Hintson, Kenneth A. Schultz","doi":"10.1017/s0020818325101240","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020818325101240","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars and policymakers have argued that territorial revisionism is dangerous because it risks setting off a cascade of claims by states dissatisfied with their borders. This Pandora’s box logic suggests that states that are vulnerable to an unraveling of the status quo have incentives to restrain their territorial ambitions to preserve stability. This paper explores this claim theoretically and empirically. It provides descriptive evidence to determine whether vulnerability to territorial threats has historically been associated with a lower likelihood of initiating territorial disputes. We find some evidence of such an effect in postindependence Africa, where this logic is most frequently invoked, and to some extent in Asia, but not in other regions. To help explain these empirical observations, we develop a multistate model of territorial conflict that identifies the conditions under which cooperation to preserve the territorial status quo can be sustained. The model shows that while an equilibrium of mutual restraint can exist, the necessary conditions are quite restrictive, and this cooperative equilibrium is never unique. Thus while a Pandora’s box of potential claims can provide the basis for a norm of restraint, the emergence of such a norm is neither straightforward nor guaranteed.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2026-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"146115590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Delegating Destruction: Coercive Threats and Automated Nuclear Systems 授权破坏：强制威胁和自动化核系统

IF 7.8 1区社会学

International Organization Pub Date : 2026-01-30 DOI: 10.1017/s0020818325101215

Joshua A. Schwartz, Michael C. Horowitz

{"title":"Delegating Destruction: Coercive Threats and Automated Nuclear Systems","authors":"Joshua A. Schwartz, Michael C. Horowitz","doi":"10.1017/s0020818325101215","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020818325101215","url":null,"abstract":"Are nuclear weapons useful for coercion, and, if so, what factors increase the credibility and effectiveness of nuclear threats? While prominent scholars like Thomas Schelling argue that nuclear brinkmanship, or the manipulation of nuclear risk, can effectively coerce adversaries, others contend nuclear weapons are not effective tools of coercion, especially when designed to achieve offensive and revisionist objectives. Simultaneously, there is broad debate about the incorporation of automation via artificial intelligence into military systems, especially nuclear command and control. We develop a theoretical argument that nuclear threats implemented with automated nuclear launch systems are more credible compared to those implemented via non-automated means. By reducing human control over nuclear use, leaders can more effectively tie their hands and thus signal resolve, even if doing so increases the risk of nuclear war and thus is extremely dangerous. Preregistered survey experiments on an elite sample of United Kingdom Members of Parliament and two public samples of UK citizens provide support for these expectations, showing that in a crisis scenario involving a Russian invasion of Estonia, automated nuclear threats can increase credibility and willingness to back down. From a policy perspective, this paper highlights the dangers of countries adopting automated nuclear systems for malign purposes, and contributes to the literatures on coercive bargaining, weapons of mass destruction, and emerging technology.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2026-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"146089533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Authoritarian Reforms and External Legitimacy 威权改革与外部合法性

IF 7.8 1区社会学

International Organization Pub Date : 2026-01-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0020818325101197

Calvert W. Jones

{"title":"Authoritarian Reforms and External Legitimacy","authors":"Calvert W. Jones","doi":"10.1017/s0020818325101197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020818325101197","url":null,"abstract":"A growing body of work suggests that authoritarian regimes can enhance their external legitimacy by undertaking reform—from democratic or “pseudodemocratic” institutional changes at the domestic level to participation in international efforts to mitigate climate change. Yet the shared theoretical logic underlying this work has received surprisingly little empirical attention. This research contributes by offering findings from an iterative series of original survey experiments conducted over nationally representative samples of US citizens. Study 1 tested the foundational hypothesis—that reforms build external legitimacy—by adopting a simple independent groups design. Studies 2 and 3 subjected that hypothesis to harder tests via conjoint designs, and also evaluated extension hypotheses about when and in what sense “legitimacy” is gained. Across studies, the results consistently demonstrate that reforms (of a variety of types) do generate external legitimacy, offering both positive benefits as well as shielding benefits in keeping with theoretical arguments. The results also provide support for several new and previously undocumented findings concerning the role of reform type, type of legitimacy-derived gain, and the conditions under which such gains are more or less likely to accrue.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2026-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145968453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Making Bribery Profitable Again? The Market Effects of Suspending Accountability for Overseas Bribery 让贿赂再次有利可图？暂缓追究海外贿赂责任的市场效应

IF 7.8 1区社会学

International Organization Pub Date : 2025-12-10 DOI: 10.1017/s0020818325100970

Lorenzo Crippa, Edmund J. Malesky, Lucio Picci

{"title":"Making Bribery Profitable Again? The Market Effects of Suspending Accountability for Overseas Bribery","authors":"Lorenzo Crippa, Edmund J. Malesky, Lucio Picci","doi":"10.1017/s0020818325100970","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020818325100970","url":null,"abstract":"In February 2025, US President Trump signed an executive order blocking the initiation of any new investigations or enforcement actions under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA), which had made it unlawful for US companies to bribe foreign public officials. We analyze market valuations of publicly traded multinationals on US financial markets before and after the announcement. On the day of the executive order, former FCPA targets whose stocks are publicly traded experienced returns on equity markets that were about 0.69 percentage points higher than what would have been expected from stock market trends. The effects cumulated substantively, resulting in capitalization gains for the portfolio of past targets of corporate corruption cases of about USD 39 billion and outsized returns to shareholders. These results allow us to contribute to long-standing debates about how much of the costs multinationals experience from corruption are due to legal enforcement versus the inefficiency and uncertainty it generates for firm operations. When legal enforcement is removed, valuations of firms at risk of corruption rise dramatically, indicating that investors perceive the legal costs as an important threat to investment in corrupt firms. Suspending FCPA enforcement is thus likely to induce market confidence in risky investments.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2025-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145711325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0