Êvropejsʹkì ìstoričnì studìï最新文献

{"title":"PARTICIPATION OF THE EU IN THE SETTLEMENT OF THE ARMENIAN-AZERBAIJANI CONFLICT IN NAGORNO-KARABAKH REGION","authors":"Olena Skrypnyk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.26.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.26.3","url":null,"abstract":"The article highlights the reasons for the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The position of the European Union regarding this conflict is analyzed. It has been found that since the beginning of the conflict, the European Union has not actively participated in its settlement and its policy has been weak. The EU has often expressed its support for the negotiation process under the auspices of the OSCE Minsk Group. The change in the attitude of the EU to this conflict after the introduction of the Eastern Partnership program, which included both Armenia and Azerbaijan, is characterized. An assessment of the consideration of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict at the Eastern Partnership summits is given, namely, at the Eastern Partnership Summit in 2021, the EU’s attitude to the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict is changing, the EU’s participation in the peaceful settlement of the conflict is increasing. The importance of the created initiative «European Political Community» in the negotiation process regarding the settlement of this conflict was considered. In the course of the study, it was concluded that from 2021, the European Union will become an active participant in the negotiation process regarding the settlement of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the EU is further strengthening its mediation in the negotiation process. At the current stage, three rounds of negotiations between the parties to the conflict took place with the mediation of the EU, thus, the European Union is trying to reduce the influence of Russia in the (not) settlement of the conflict. In turn, from 2022, Armenia is also interested in greater influence of the EU in the negotiation process and at her request; the civilian mission of the European Union in Armenia – EUMA Armenia – was created. Through its presence, EUMA Armenia contributes to the security of people in conflict-affected areas of Armenia and makes an impact on the strengthening of trust on the ground. The country also contributes to the creation of an environment favorable to the normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan with EU support.","PeriodicalId":483319,"journal":{"name":"Êvropejsʹkì ìstoričnì studìï","volume":"161 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134890961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"RUSSIAN AGGRESSION AGAINST UKRAINE FROM 2014 TO THE PRESENT: POSITION OF UKRAINIAN DIPLOMACY","authors":"Roman Ofitsynskyy","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.6","url":null,"abstract":"This article is devoted to the modern Russian-Ukrainian war, which began in February 2014 and is still ongoing. In this context, attention is drawn to the informational and explanatory efforts of Ukrainian diplomacy, primarily the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. The official foreign policy position of the state of Ukraine regarding the prerequisites, causes, course and consequences of Russian aggression is investigated. Mainly, the substantive activity of Ukrainian diplomacy is highlighted – the provisions, arguments, and evidence that formed the basis of the powerful support of Ukraine (as a victim of Russian aggression) by leading states and intergovernmental organizations. In order to achieve this main goal of his research, the author carefully analyzed the official portal of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. The specified ministry objectively classified Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine as a pre-planned military operation that began on February 20, 2014, with the seizure of the Crimean peninsula. Ukrainian diplomats are rightly convinced that Russia’s modern war against Ukraine is a civilizational conflict – a struggle against Russian neo-colonialism. The most important current goals of Ukraine include the liberation of the occupied territories, restoration of its territorial integrity, including the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. In addition, Russia must pay compensation for the destruction caused to Ukraine, and Russian war criminals must be properly punished. At the same time, Ukraine deserves effective international legal guarantees of its security and full membership in the European and Euro-Atlantic unions. In general, informational and educational efforts remain a priority area of activity of Ukrainian diplomacy in the conditions of Russian aggression against Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":483319,"journal":{"name":"Êvropejsʹkì ìstoričnì studìï","volume":"121 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135318463","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"NATIONAL, ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS IDENTITIES: ESSENCE, HISTORICAL BASIS OF FORMATION AND CORRELATION","authors":"Nataliia Lopatska","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the essence of understanding the concepts: «national identity», «ethnic identity», «religious identity», their structural components, evolutionary principles of formation, and correlation in the aspect of a historical phenomenon. The issue of national identity was and remains extremely important for both the past and the present of Ukraine. The idea of ​​state consolidation reflects the aspect of how formed and balanced civil society is. Elements of the latter are various associations covering certain spheres of life. Such structures fully reflect and determine the confessional sympathies of society. Identity in this sense acts as a key basis for the formation of ethnic and religious beliefs. Today, Ukraine is in an extremely difficult situation, which is connected with the Russian-Ukrainian war, which began in February 2014. In the context of modern events, it is important for the population of Ukraine to realize and focus their attention on what unites them. Such factors should be highlighted both in the past of Ukrainian history and determined in the present. The content of the article reconstructs the problem of theoretical understanding of the concept of «national identity», «ethnic identity», «religious identity». It was determined that the specified identities have their own characteristics, which may change over the course of historical time. Attention is drawn to the fact that national identity can change over time. It is substantiated that «national identity», «ethnic identity», «religious identity» are in the process of constant changes, and can also adapt under the influence of external processes. It was determined that the mentioned identities are extremely important for Ukraine, as they both generate and confirm the foundations of national unity, and form a powerful foundation for an established civil society.","PeriodicalId":483319,"journal":{"name":"Êvropejsʹkì ìstoričnì studìï","volume":"178 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135318723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"THE POLICY OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC TOWARDS REFUGEES OF THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR: MAIN TRENDS AND NEW CHALLENGES","authors":"Svitlana Motruk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.5","url":null,"abstract":"Based on a wide range of sources, the article analyzes the Czech Republic’s policy towards Ukrainian forced migrants in the context of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, its features, key factors and dynamics of development. It is emphasized that during the war, this Central European country proved to be one of Ukraine’s best allies, consistently demonstrating comprehensive support in the international arena, in the political, military and humanitarian spheres. It has accepted a large number of war refugees, offered them financial assistance, housing, jobs, medical insurance, the opportunity to continue their children’s education, and successfully coped with the largest wave of refugees in its history, becoming the third country by the number of migrants accepted. The article examines changes in migration policy in light of new challenges, its political and social context, positive and negative effects, and the essence of the draft law Lex Ukrajina I-V (five versions), which regulates the mechanism of temporary protection and the refugee support system. The author emphasizes the important role of public associations and Ukrainian-language media, which were established in the Czech Republic and significantly facilitate the stay of Ukrainians in a foreign country, assist in initial orientation and adaptation. It covers the legal status, integration potential and problems Ukrainian migrants face in everyday life, as well as the prospects of their return to their homeland. The author emphasizes the increasingly important role of Ukrainians in the development of the Czech economy and society. Based on the analysis of research conducted by Czech scholars, the article examines the attitude of Czech citizens to the development of the situation in Ukraine, the actions of the authorities regarding the Ukrainian issue and anti-Russian sanctions. The author notes a fairly high level of public solidarity but at the same time a gradual decline in its readiness to support Ukraine against the background of a permanent decline in sympathy for Russians and antipathy for Ukrainians.","PeriodicalId":483319,"journal":{"name":"Êvropejsʹkì ìstoričnì studìï","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135318726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"FONS, SIERRA MORENA AND OTHERS. POLISH-NAPOLEONIC SOLDIERS TOWARDS SPANISH AMBUSHES LAID IN THE PENINSULAR WAR (1808–1813) – HISTORY AND SELECTED RECEPTION THREADS","authors":"Dominik Szczęsny–Kostanecki","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.8","url":null,"abstract":"The objective of this article is above all – on the example of two events involving Polish soldiers at Fons (May 1809) and in the Sierra Morena mountains (January 1810), howbeit not exclusively – to draw attention to the fact that when approaching the Peninsular War, the historian cannot underestimate the role of ambushes or minor skirmishes – contrary to the major open space battles (e.g. Arapiles 1812) or sieges (e.g. Saragossa 1808–09) being less scientifically accessible or intelligible due to the relative shortage of sources, which, combined with the usual lack of decisiveness, makes them an unrewarding object of examination. This underestimation lies primarily in the adoption of too broad or, paradoxically enough, too narrow a perspective – as if they could be a subject of detailed treatises only. Meanwhile, as the record shows, these guerrilla-style ambushes are a phenomenon to be considered both in detail and in general, not only for understanding individual vicissitudes but also for better explaining Napoleon’s ultimate defeat in Spain, which is too often attributed overwhelmingly to Wellington’s military genius. They also played an important role in Polish memoirs and military theory, which is to be discussed in a separate section. The choice of the above-mentioned ambushes is by no means random. First, mutually explaining and lightening each other up, Fons, Sierra Morena, and others occurred in a similar and representative period of time: neither when the Peninsular War was just developing, nor drawing to its end during and after the disastrous Russian campaign, but when it was in full swing. Secondly, despite what has been said about the majority of such clashes, and thanks to a number of sources, the historian is able to have a certain insight into those specific ambushes. Thirdly, we are about to see that their consequences cover nearly the maximum range of war occurrences that could be experienced by the Polish-Napoleonic soldiers. Fourthly, we shall learn that this type of guerilla warfare had a certain influence on the Polish national liberation movement.","PeriodicalId":483319,"journal":{"name":"Êvropejsʹkì ìstoričnì studìï","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135318415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"THE STATE AFFILIATION OF WESTERN VOLYN IN THE CONCEPTS AND PRACTICES OF THE POLISH POLITICAL SOCIETY (END OF THE XIX CENTURY ‒ FIRST QUARTER OF THE XX CENTURY)","authors":"Nataliia Petrushko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.7","url":null,"abstract":"The article reveals the study of the state affiliation issue of the Western Volyn territory in the concepts and practices of Polish political groups of the 19th‒20th century and their prominent ideologues. The revival of the Polish state was the only common political aim of the conceptual grounds of the leading Polish doctrines of incorporation and federalism. Nevertheless, practical methods and ways of realising the set objectives of the concepts mentioned above in the geopolitical dimension differed significantly. The nationalist views of the Polish politician R. Dmowski formed the basis of an incorporative political program, which stipulated the restoration of an independent Polish state within the borders of 1772 with the inclusion of Ukrainian lands – Volyn territory. The political beliefs of the Polish national leader J. Piłsudski were based on the concept of a federal union of Poland, Lithuania, Belarus, and Ukraine, which in turn considered the revival of the historical tradition of state‒building. According to this concept, Western Volyn should have belonged to Poland. Analysing the evolution of the concepts mentioned above in terms of historical events of the 19th and 20th centuries and their content related to Ukrainian issues, the author highlights that the western Ukrainian lands, in particular, Western Volyn, were accepted exclusively as Polish and a priori should have been the territory of the restored Polish state. The formation of the “illusory image” of Volyn as a Polish territory directly impacted the region’s further development. In particular, it influenced the relations between the neighbouring peoples ‒ Poles and Ukrainians. The establishment of official diplomatic relations between Poland and soviet russia, outlined in the Treaty Riga 1921, marked the victory of “incorporated” views over federal ideas. Meanwhile, the threat of expansion from the russian Bolsheviks contributed to the emergence of the Promethean political doctrine. Creating an independent Ukrainian state was one of the crucial elements aimed at functioning as a buffer zone between Poland and the Soviet Union. At the same time, the territory of Western Volyn was supposed to belong to Poland.","PeriodicalId":483319,"journal":{"name":"Êvropejsʹkì ìstoričnì studìï","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135318480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"1919–1922 FASCIST MOVEMENT IN THE COVERAGE OF «FOREIGN AFFAIRS» MAGAZINE","authors":"Nataliya Gorodnia","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article covers the fascist movement of 1919–1922 in Italy, namely the causes and circumstances of its emergence, social base, program and theoretical foundations, based on a content analysis of the academic publications in «Foreign Affairs» Magazine (U.S.) during the first decade of Mussolini’s government, 1923–1932. As the analysis of sources shows, the assessments of the fascist movement by its supporters and opponents differed markedly. The fascist movement had a multidimensional character: violent and aggressive, anti-parliamentary, anti-socialist and syndicalist, as well as patriotic, nationalist, and revolutionary. It was generated by the results of the Great War, previous and those days internal socio-political processes in Italy. Under the influence of the war, it was characterized by its exaltation, the cult of sacrifice, and belief in the effectiveness of violence. It was also generated by the patriotic enthusiasm of Italians and their dissatisfaction with the government’s «weak» policy during a large-scale social unrest and internationally. In this regard, it reflected the public demand for a more decisive government policy, and a «strong government». The founder and the leader of the fascist movement was Mussolini. Fascists believed that the victory in the war created a favorable situation for the completion of the national unification of Italy and positioned themselves as the only «national» party, unlike others that relied on international ideologies such as liberalism, socialism, and Catholicism. The nationalism of the fascists was purely internal, and did not embody chauvinistic, xenophobic, or anti-Semitic sentiments. On the basis of patriotism and the demands of a «strong government», Mussolini enlisted the support of various social groups with different motivations, both radical and conservative, popular masses and representatives of the wealthy social groups.","PeriodicalId":483319,"journal":{"name":"Êvropejsʹkì ìstoričnì studìï","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135319725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"THE SUWAŁKI GAP AS A SECURITY PROBLEM OF LITHUANIA AND THE EASTERN FLANK OF THE AREA OF NATO RESPONSIBILITY","authors":"Іnna Turianytsia","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.26.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.26.7","url":null,"abstract":"The article highlights the modern security and military-strategic issues surrounding the Suwałki gap, which is a section of the border between Poland and Lithuania. It simultaneously connects the Belarusian and Russian borders, in particular the militarized Kaliningrad exclave, is about 100 km long and is the only land link between Poland and the Baltic states. This constitutes an obvious vulnerability for the security situation of these countries and the eastern flank of NATO’s area of responsibility. The complex topography and natural conditions of the area only partially compensates for this vulnerability. These facts are recognized by almost everyone, although there are disagreements regarding the assessment of the possible danger, the nature and intensity of the relevant actions on the part of Poland, the Baltic countries and the NATO bloc as a whole. «Hybrid» threats, which have become relevant since 2014, as well as the deployment of direct Russian aggression in Ukraine in 2022, influenced the overcoming of skepticism about a possible Russian invasion in the Baltic region. The analysis of the factors of the problem by the expert environment showed that the Kremlin leadership may dare to embark on a new military adventure in anticipation of a significant strategic and political gain. Or, at the very least, it may benefit from continuing to maintain tension in the Baltic region for propaganda purposes. The worst-case scenarios must be taken into account, and defense measures adequate to them must be carefully planned and practiced in practice during military exercises. The provocations organized by the Kremlin leadership and supported by its Belarusian ally around the Kaliningrad exclave and the Suwałki gap create constant tension in the region. These motives led to the constant attention of politicians, the military and experts to the problem of the vulnerability of the Suwałki gap, assessment of the degree of potential threat, as well as the restoration of programs of large-scale annual NATO exercises «Defender Europe».","PeriodicalId":483319,"journal":{"name":"Êvropejsʹkì ìstoričnì studìï","volume":"156 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135445329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"RUSSIAN EXPANSION AND THE UKRAINIAN STATEHOOD: HISTORICAL REALITIES OF THE 17th – 21th CENTURIES","authors":"Tetіana Chubina, Yanina Fedorenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.25.9","url":null,"abstract":"In the article the process of expansion by russia is analyzed, which, through the prism of the absolutist paradigm, for 400 years directed its efforts not only to the annexation of the territory of Ukraine, but also to the destruction of Ukrainian statehood and the Ukrainian nation. The purpose of article – analysis of political, economic, spiritual and cultural factors that illustrate the process of the implementation of russian expansion aimed at the destruction of Ukrainian statehood and the Ukrainian nation during the 17th – 21st centuries Scientific novelty – the implementation of Russia’s expansionist policy on the territory of Ukraine, starting from 1654 and up to the present time, is comprehensively investigated. The periodization of russian expansion during the 17th – 21th centuries is suggested. Conclusions. Taking into account the specifics of the chosen topic, we have highlighted five chronological periods during which russia pursued an expansionist policy with the aim of destroying Ukrainian statehood. The first period (17th –18th centuries) covers the stage of the initial phase of russian expansion, starting with the Pereyaslav Council, when all the top leadership of the Ukrainian Cossack state, led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky, swore allegiance to the moscow tsar, and to the aggressive policy of Peter I and his successors, as a result of which at the end of the 18th century 80% of Ukrainian lands were part of the russian empire. The second period (the 19th – the early 20th century) – was a time when the russian authorities directed their efforts to maintain the previously captured territories of Ukraine and tried to implement the «Novorossiia» project in the south of the country without much success. The third period (1922 – 1991) covers the history of Ukraine as part of the Soviet Union, the main characteristics of which were the complete occupation of the territory of Ukraine and the policy of persuasion of the population using such methods as repression, famine, deportation, total russification, destruction of national self-identification, etc. The fourth period (1991 – 2013) – the historical period that began with the declaration of Ukraine’s independence and was marked by difficult russian-Ukrainian relations, as a result of which the russian federation, seeking revenge, tried to politically, economically, and culturally weaken our country, at the same time compromising it in the eyes of its Western partners. The fifth period (2014 – nowadays) – the period of the russian-Ukrainian war, during which the aggressor is trying to conquer the territory of Ukraine, deprive it of its independence, and the Ukrainian people – to win back the lost territories and become a full-fledged player in the global world system. Thus, having studied the russian expansion during the 17th – 21st centuries, we can draw conclusions that during all the five periods we have highlighted or the last 400 years of the history of Ukraine, the policy of the north-ea","PeriodicalId":483319,"journal":{"name":"Êvropejsʹkì ìstoričnì studìï","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134887649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"THE UKRAINIAN PARAMILITARY MOVEMENT IN THE WETZLAR CAMP, GERMANY, 1916 – THE FIRST HALF OF 1918 (ACCORDING TO THE MATERIALS OF THE CAMP PRESS)","authors":"Іhor Sribnyak, Dmytro Hryn","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.26.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.26.6","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the peculiarities of the development of the Ukrainian paramilitary movement in the camp of Ukrainian prisoners of war Wetzlar (Germany) in 1916 – the first half of 1918, which began with the founding of the gymnastic society «Sich». Quite soon it turned into a paramilitary structure with a relatively small number of its members with a developed national worldview. Its members jointly performed gymnastic exercises accompanied by an orchestra, performed night duty in the camp, keeping an eye on fire safety. The turning point in the history of the society was December 1917, when the newly elected leadership of «Sich» took decisive measures to normalize the situation in it. The most important of his decisions was the creation of the 1st «Sich» Petro Doroshenko regiment, the appointment of centurions, chicken officers and chief of staff, the organization of training classes, ordering the regimental flag. It is obvious that the establishment and further development of the camp «Sich» was authorized by the German authorities, who hoped to strengthen their combat resources at the expense of Ukrainians, primarily in frontline operations against the Russian Imperial Army. However, these hopes were unfounded, and although some of the Sich-man was indeed enrolled in German military service, this category of campers served their time in military command posts in the Volyn lands occupied by Germany. At the same time, two transports were formed from the number of «Sich» activists and Ukrainian activists from other camp organizations, which were incorporated into the Syn’ozhupanna Division. The most significant merit of the Wetzlar «Sich» was the national awareness and organizational training of more than a thousand of its members, who were instilled with strong patriotic feelings. The «Sich» organization of captured Ukrainians in Wetzlar and the 1st «Sich» Petro Doroshenko regiment formed here became one of the foundations for the creation of the armed forces of Ukraine in the most necessary period for it – during the Ukrainian national liberation struggle of 1917–1921.","PeriodicalId":483319,"journal":{"name":"Êvropejsʹkì ìstoričnì studìï","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134889696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}