{"title":"The Political Economy of Variations in Energy Debt Financing by Two Chinese Policy Banks in Africa","authors":"Tianyi Wu","doi":"10.1111/dech.12864","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12864","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article examines the puzzle of why China's two policy banks, China Development Bank (CDB) and the Export-Import Bank of China (Eximbank), have lending portfolios for power-generation projects in Africa that have drastically different levels of carbon dioxide emissions. From the supplier side, Eximbank balances two imperatives: Beijing's ideational ambition as a new development provider to African recipients with sustainability commitments, and China's industrial goal to offshore non-renewable capacity. In contrast, the CDB prioritizes its commercial interests, which results in the bank lending solely for coal projects. On the demand side, Eximbank's concessional capital has emerged as a second-best option among international financial sources for renewable and hydropower generation projects. Conversely, CDB's market-rate lending makes it the fiscal last resort for host countries seeking financial support for thermal-power projects which are shunned by other financiers. This divergence can be understood through the polycentric development finance model, which captures the parallel decision-making institutions governing Chinese energy financing in Africa. Specifically, the lending decisions of Eximbank are linked with institutionalized policy processes, translating priorities of Chinese and African state actors. Meanwhile, the loan origination processes of CDB are more independent of state actors, allowing greater autonomy for the financier to pursue commercial interests.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 6","pages":"1259-1288"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12864","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142860852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The International and Local Politics of the Rural Environmental Registry: Brazil's Green Currency","authors":"Claudia Horn","doi":"10.1111/dech.12863","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12863","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Since the 2000s, rural elites have engaged in ‘greening’ the Amazon extractive frontier. Private and state-led initiatives have consolidated the agro-industrial system by incentivizing compliance and effectively legalizing deforestation. Brazil's Rural Environmental Registry (Cadastro Ambiental Rural — CAR) is fundamental to ‘sustainable producer’ initiatives and international and local carbon markets. Since its emergence at the end of the 1990s, it has been funded and promoted by European countries and the World Bank through the G7 Pilot Programme for the Conservation of Brazilian Rainforests and the Amazon Fund. This analysis draws on a critical political economy approach and several years of multi-site interviews, participant observation and archival research to illuminate how donor and recipient agencies have sustained territorial and georeferencing technologies as an international state project to enable the green economy, despite political shifts and the inherent contradictions of this instrument. The article shows how ecological modernization technologies enable the ‘greening’ of agro-industry expansion while exacerbating land conflicts and marginalizing Indigenous and traditional peoples’ collective land rights.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 6","pages":"1230-1258"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12863","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142860688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Elite Dynamics and China's Influence in Latin America","authors":"Benedicte Bull, Antulio Rosales","doi":"10.1111/dech.12861","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12861","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The rise of China as a trading partner, lender and investor is among the most significant developments in the global political economy over the last two decades. This shift has created important new opportunities for developing countries, but it has also introduced new challenges, with benefits and drawbacks unevenly distributed across different nations. This article argues that understanding the developmental consequences of China's involvement requires studying not only Chinese priorities and modalities but also the interests and strategies of local elites. The development of Latin America has been profoundly influenced by these elite interests, which are shaped by the region's integration into the global economy. Elites may leverage the benefits of the relationship to China to enhance their rent-seeking capabilities and limit competition, thereby hindering development and perpetuating inequality in Latin America. This argument is examined through the contrasting cases of Chile and Venezuela; while Chile's approach to China has been dominated by private sector elites, Venezuela's approach has been driven by governmental elites. In both cases, integration with China is shaped by and has in turn strengthened interests and strategies of the elites.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 6","pages":"1206-1229"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12861","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142861095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Political Economy of Reparations and the Dialectic of Transnational Capitalism","authors":"Hilbourne A. Watson","doi":"10.1111/dech.12860","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12860","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>The contemporary global capitalist crisis provides the context for studying reparations, the struggles for which face uphill challenges, foremost because transnational capital will only engage with reparations to serve its own interests. Far from being a panacea for historical wrongs, reparations campaigns are shaped by the historical logics of capitalist accumulation and the liberal racial social contract. The cases of Namibia and the Commonwealth Caribbean (CARICOM) that are examined in this study highlight the contradictions that underpin the demand for reparations arising from genocide in Namibia and capitalist slavery in the CARICOM region. The cases reveal an association of reparations initiatives with buying complicity or capitalist fixes rather than reparative justice for historical grievances, while more autonomous demands for reparations face violent suppression, as in the case of Haiti. Today's reparations struggles are further undermined by revolutionary innovations in digital and robotics technology, confronting exploited racialized populations with a rapidly dwindling supply of jobs. This article locates the contemporary reparations debate within the wider context of global capitalism and its racialized liberal foundations, tracing the links between colonial wrongs, international power relations and ongoing systems of capitalist accumulation which reparations are used to stabilize rather than challenge. It is thus difficult to make a case for the transformational potential of reparations.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"752-772"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12860","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142524589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Mobilized Resilience and Development under Sanctions in Iran","authors":"Zep Kalb","doi":"10.1111/dech.12859","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12859","url":null,"abstract":"<p>How do states maintain economic development in the face of sanctions? Recent studies have examined economic resilience as a property of a system preceding a shock, leaving unanswered questions about how sanctioned states discipline employers and limit predatory behaviour. Using the case of Iran, this article aims to fill this gap by presenting a model of <i>Mobilized resilience</i>, describing how bottom-up and top-down mobilizations can create demand for institutional capacity. Integrating unique qualitative and quantitative material, the author argues that Iran's political elites responded to sanctions by launching top-down campaigns that appealed to workers, promoted capital–labour unity, and demanded state commitment to development. These campaigns facilitated widespread labour protests that further empowered the state to block capital flight and steer firms onto more profitable, growth-oriented routes. Labour ‘resistance’ thus unexpectedly helped to realize the Supreme Leader's calls for a ‘resistance economy’. These findings suggest that political support for worker mobilization in the context of sanctions can result in economic benefits, with significant consequences for our understanding of economic statecraft, development and labour movements.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 5","pages":"933-964"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12859","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142595654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Responses to Livelihood Precarity in Dryland India: Diversifying Out of Agrarian Distress","authors":"Ambarish Karamchedu","doi":"10.1111/dech.12858","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12858","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Scholars of critical agrarian political economy see agriculture in liberalization-era India as a form of disguised unemployment, part of wider agrarian distress. This article engages with literature differentiating the class/caste responses to agrarian and non-farm livelihood distress in India to understand the different diversification options that households have available. The article draws on research carried out in a village in dryland, Bt cotton-dependent Telangana in south India to show these variegated practices. While Other Backward Caste households invested in livestock to cope with heavy Bt cotton investments and losses, Scheduled Caste households focused on the educated rural youth, relying on their non-farm wage labour in jobs such as taxi driving. Despite rural–urban migration and higher levels of education, under/unemployment remains persistent for rural youth. In this context, Ryuthu Bandhu, a cash transfer programme pioneered in Telangana in 2018, proved crucial for rural livelihood survival in the study village, contributing up to 22 per cent of annual household incomes. However, negative average net incomes across all households show that attempts to diversify out of distress have been largely unsuccessful.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 6","pages":"1289-1314"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12858","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142862226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Critical Framing of Data for Development: Historicizing Data Relations and AI","authors":"Alexander Martin Mussgnug, Sabina Leonelli","doi":"10.1111/dech.12857","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12857","url":null,"abstract":"<p><b>Nick Couldry and Ulises A. Mejias, <i>The Costs of Connection: How Data Is Colonizing Human Life and Appropriating it for Capitalism</i>. Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press, 2019. 352 pp. £ 15.50 paperback</b>. <b>Matteo Pasquinelli, <i>The Eye of The Master: A Social History of Artificial Intelligence</i>. London: Verso Books, 2023. 272 pp. £ 13.85 paperback</b>.</p><p>Recent years have witnessed increasing efforts to leverage emerging data sources and digital technologies in the design and delivery of international development programmes. Today, big data and artificial intelligence (AI) in particular have become a formative part of development work. This is evidenced by the establishment of intergovernmental innovation labs such as the UN Global Pulse, academic research centres such as the University of California Berkeley's Global Policy Lab, and a plethora of industry-driven initiatives. Under the banner of ‘data for development’, large-scale data integration for logistical, managerial and administrative purposes is heralded as revolutionizing capacity-building efforts in low-resourced nations and territories. Besides others, novel data technologies promise to transform access to social services and legal systems, the efficient use of natural resources, logistical efforts towards distributing food and medical care, educational programmes to improve literacy and computational skills, and effective coordination between local, national and transnational agencies.</p><p>In the face of much hype and enthusiasm for such applications, some have expressed concerns regarding the increasing datafication of development work, starting from the very umbrella term of ‘development’ under which these initiatives often sit (e.g. Dirlik, <span>2014</span>). The emphasis on ‘development’ may reflect an implicit evaluation of social contexts as being more or less ‘adequate’ depending on the extent to which they offer access to digital technologies. This, however, may not reflect other criteria for whether or not a given context is underdeveloped, which include access to social welfare, medical services and free trade among other possible options, nor may it acknowledge the very different impact that digitalization and AI-powered technologies may have depending on local socio-cultural norms and preferences. Relatedly, Laura Mann (<span>2018</span>) has criticized the almost exclusive focus of data for development applications on humanitarian aid at the expense of economic and socio-ecological development. All too often, public‒private partnerships in the design and deployment of these technologies contribute to the annexation of communities into existing economic, epistemic and technical infrastructures in a manner that ultimately benefits the Global North rather than allowing for the building of capacity in the Global South. For instance, agricultural development initiatives pushing toward greater data collection and openness might extract informa","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 5","pages":"1109-1121"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12857","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142596235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Phuong Nguyen, Regina Scheyvens, Alice Beban, Samantha Gardyne
{"title":"Challenges to Empowerment of Women through Value Chains: The Need to Move from Individual to Relational Empowerment","authors":"Phuong Nguyen, Regina Scheyvens, Alice Beban, Samantha Gardyne","doi":"10.1111/dech.12852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12852","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article examines the prevailing assumption by donors that connecting smallholder women to value chains will close the gender gap and empower women. Based on a case study of a programme that seeks to empower women through their integration into value chains in Vietnam, the article assesses women's empowerment across four dimensions: economic, psychological, social and political. The authors argue that women's engagement in value chains does not always financially benefit and empower women because patriarchal power structures within families, communities and businesses make it challenging for women to gain authority over production decisions in higher-value crops. Women in the study gained more autonomy over ‘women's crops’ which yielded small incomes, while men had control over production that was seen as ‘men's work’, and in large-scale and more lucrative production. Gendered power relations affect women's access to economic opportunities: in this context, development agencies should reconsider their approaches to women's economic empowerment by focusing on relational rather than individual empowerment. This means that women's economic empowerment programmes should involve both men and women, with targeted interventions ensuring women are empowered within the household and in their connections with the community, local authorities and businesses.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 5","pages":"993-1017"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12852","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142596305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Beyond Compensation: Reparations and the Ongoing Colonization of Australia","authors":"Elise Klein","doi":"10.1111/dech.12853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12853","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article examines the relationship between reparations as compensation and reparations as transformation in settler colonial Australia. Much of the global reparations debate on colonization and slavery has focused on important demands confronting the historic damages and ongoing accumulation of disadvantage from colonization in ex-colonies or from plantation slavery. Much less has been said about reparations for settler colonialism which is a specific form of ongoing colonization in the here and now. Drawing on long-standing work around reparations for colonization by Indigenous peoples in Australia, and the woeful compensatory responses the state and judiciary have offered, this article argues that reparations for ongoing colonization could consider options beyond monetary compensation. This includes the critical domain of reparations as transformation that aim less to offset damage and reconcile suffering, but rather to comprehensively transform colonial relations.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"830-854"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12853","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142524670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Political Economy of Land Reparations in South Africa","authors":"Lebohang Liepollo Pheko","doi":"10.1111/dech.12856","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12856","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article examines white settler colonialism and racial capitalism as the primary mechanisms for the historical and ongoing land dispossession of Afrikan people in South Africa. It argues that by addressing land dispossession through land restitution, South Africa could begin to meaningfully address the ongoing impacts of settler colonial displacement of Afrikan people. It contends that land reparations are central not only to restorative physical and spatial justice but also to physical healing. The aim of this contribution is to historicize and herstoricize the South African land question; situate this within the context of racial capitalism and settler colonialism; provide a framing of the racialization and feminization of the land economy; and expound on the particularities of misogynoir and critical feminist theory in theorizing the acute land dispossession of Afrikan women. Situated within the Azanian School of thought, its essential contribution is the suggestion that land restoration is a necessary and meaningful reparative measure for South Africans.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"800-829"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12856","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142524864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}