{"title":"Education and the Timing of Family Formation: Evidence from Quantile Regression Analysis","authors":"Ewa Batyra","doi":"10.1111/dech.12846","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12846","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The relationship between educational level and the age at which women start families has been extensively researched. However, studies have primarily explored how additional schooling shifts the mean or, more broadly, only one point of the age at first union and first birth distributions. This ignores variation in the association between education and the timing of family formation, and the fact that schooling might shape behaviours of vulnerable and more privileged women differently. Using quantile regressions, this article examines heterogeneity in the relationship between education and the age at first union and first birth across the distribution of these events within 50 low- and middle-income countries. It investigates whether additional schooling shifts relatively early union formation and childbearing (that is, lower parts of distributions) similarly or differently than it shifts other parts of the distributions. It finds that association between an additional year at school and the age at first union and birth is weaker in the lower than the upper parts of the distributions. Education has a relatively weak effect on the reduction of early first unions and births and plays an unequalizing role in shaping family formation within countries. These findings are key to understanding persistently high levels of early marriage and pregnancy, despite the expansion of education.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 5","pages":"1018-1050"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12846","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142596341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Knife is Still in Our Backs: Reparations Washing and the Limits of Reparatory Justice Campaigns","authors":"Kehinde Andrews","doi":"10.1111/dech.12848","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12848","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Black Lives Matter movement of 2020 has placed reparations firmly on the international agenda. This article discusses the concept of ‘reparations washing’ with reference to the measures of two British businesses, Greene King and Lloyd's of London, in acknowledgement of their historical roots in the slave trade, and the Government of the Netherlands’ public apology for the country's history of slavery. Reparations washing occurs when corporations or governments give a token nod to reparatory justice to enhance their image and to absolve them of institutional guilt. The article employs Malcolm X's metaphor of slavery, as sticking a knife into the back of the enslaved, to argue that in order to repair the harm caused, the knife needs to be removed and the wound healed. It then analyses the reparations demands contained in CARICOM's Ten Point Plan for Reparatory Justice which exposes the limits of reparatory justice campaigns. The paradox of reparations campaigns is that they ultimately leave intact a system founded on White supremacy and the exploitation of the Global South. It is therefore impossible for reparations to be realized without bringing an end to the current political and economic system. The article concludes that, ultimately, the value of reparations campaigns lies in their highlighting the need for revolution.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"628-650"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12848","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142524863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Global Reparations Agenda for Afrodescendants: An Overview of Recent Developments and the Way Forward","authors":"Amara Enyia","doi":"10.1111/dech.12849","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12849","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>The push for reparations for Africans and people of African descent extends back generations, yet has gained substantial momentum since 2020 — a global inflection point that exemplified the polycrises facing the planet, including the global COVID-19 pandemic, worldwide uprisings against state and police violence in response to the murder of George Floyd in the United States, stark income inequality, and multiple natural disasters. Against this backdrop, reparations advocacy became more visible and gained traction. This article explores the enabling factors that have contributed to this heightened visibility and the dynamics that have created a more global reparations agenda. It also provides a roadmap with emergent areas of caution and guidance for reparations advocates as they advance the work.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"601-627"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12849","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142524862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Contrasting Footprint of Labour and Capital in Post-colonial India","authors":"Jan Breman","doi":"10.1111/dech.12845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12845","url":null,"abstract":"<p>India's struggle for independence held the promise of an end to poverty and redemption from the communal-cum-class-based inequality which had kept the peasant economy backward. But the planned substitution of the agrarian-rural fabric for an industrial-urban way of life failed to materialize. Casualization and contractualization of waged work indicated that labour had become thoroughly commodified in a state of ongoing footlooseness. It was a proletarianization which did not allow for the collective action precondition to raise and settle the social question. The onslaught of neoliberal capitalism in the last quarter of the 20th century ended the brokerage of the nation state to secure the interests of labour next to those of capital. Less than 10 per cent of the workforce has continued to enjoy formalized occupational engagement, mainly in the downgraded public economy. Corporate capital in collusion with statist autocracy has not only effectuated the deregulation of employment but also abandoned the legal code of formality. The outcome is a state of lawlessness for the people at the bottom of the pile. Besides big business, politics and governance are identified in this reconfiguration as stakeholders in a brutal regime of informality, erosive of equality, democracy, welfare and civil rights.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"533-559"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12845","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142524535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Militarized Development in Post-war Sri Lanka: Consolidating Control","authors":"Thiruni Kelegama","doi":"10.1111/dech.12847","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12847","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Development is an important, yet contentious word, in the history of post-colonial Sri Lanka. Typically, it is linked with economic progress and societal change, intricately woven into political processes and frequently utilized as a platform to promote Sinhala-Buddhist ethnonationalist agendas. This article looks at post-colonial Sri Lanka's ‘core development project’ — the Mahaweli Development Programme — and its post-war revival with the military as a key actor. Through a detailed ethnographic study, it traces the way in which the military assumed extraordinary powers and became vital to the post-colonial project of development and the militarized practices that enabled this. The author argues that this project of militarized development unfolds in a fourfold manner: by normalizing the presence of the military; by ensuring the military is seen as charitable; by blurring the boundaries between the military and civilians; and lastly by portraying the work carried out by the military as transformative. The article concludes by demonstrating that this militarized project of development is the latest iteration of the long-standing post-colonial project of Sinhala-Buddhist state expansion, enabled through development.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 5","pages":"965-992"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12847","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142596358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Devaluation of Essential Work: An Assessment of the 2023 ILO Report","authors":"Sara Stevano","doi":"10.1111/dech.12844","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12844","url":null,"abstract":"<p>ILO, <i>World Employment and Social Outlook 2023: The Value of Essential Work</i>. Geneva: International Labour Office, 2023. xxv + 254 pp. www.ilo.org/publications/flagship-reports/world-employment-and-social-outlook-2023-value-essential-work</p><p>The value of essential work, while long debated, became a central point of discussion during the COVID-19 pandemic, when workers across the world continued to perform what was deemed essential work while exposed to multiple risks. The 2023 International Labour Organization (ILO) flagship report <i>World Employment and Social Outlook 2023: The Value of Essential Work</i> rekindles this discussion by shedding light on the persisting disparities during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic between the societal recognition of certain types of work as essential and the actual conditions faced by those performing such work. Despite public expressions of gratitude during the pandemic, tangible improvements in working conditions for this group of workers have largely failed to materialize. In some cases, the mental and physical well-being of these workers has even deteriorated in the long run.</p><p>This Assessment explores the key insights and limitations of the report from a feminist political economy perspective attuned to power dynamics across various scales. The report provides valuable data on essential or key workers and enterprises, elucidating who they are as well as their working conditions both before and during the pandemic. Essential or key workers are defined in the report as those people in occupations deemed essential by 126 countries at the onset of the pandemic in March and April 2020, bar those workers who could carry out essential work from home. Importantly, the report centres the paradoxical nature of essential work — its recognition as vital for meeting the needs of society and its severe undervaluation despite this. However, it fails to consider that essential work is not merely a reflection of societal needs but is also a result of class struggles, political negotiations and historical biases. The ILO's adoption of a universal definition of essential work therefore obscures the contested nature of this category that was used by governments worldwide during the pandemic. Furthermore, the report lacks an explanation for <i>why</i> essential work is undervalued, offering useful but limited policy recommendations. This article argues that the devaluation of essential work stems from a fundamental dilemma within contemporary capitalism: its inherent tendency to destabilize the conditions necessary for social reproduction.</p><p>Before proceeding, a clarification of terminology is necessary. In the report, the ILO acknowledges that during the COVID-19 pandemic, the terms ‘key worker’ and ‘essential worker’ were often used interchangeably — something that is reflected in literature, policy and public discourse. However, the term ‘key worker’ is used in the report because the term ‘ess","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"910-930"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12844","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142525641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Legacy of Maria Mies to the Feminist Movement and the Struggle for Human Liberation","authors":"Silvia Federici","doi":"10.1111/dech.12843","DOIUrl":"10.1111/dech.12843","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"878-891"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12843","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141814595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On the Economics of Cross-border Reparations Payments: The Case for a Bank of International Reparations","authors":"Carolyn Sissoko","doi":"10.1111/dech.12842","DOIUrl":"10.1111/dech.12842","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article considers the challenge of ensuring that international reparations payments are effective in benefiting the recipient countries of such reparations. To guarantee that these financial flows provide long-term benefits to the recipient economies, the article recommends the adoption of a developmental state approach to the use of the funds. It also considers in detail the advantages of establishing a Bank of International Reparations that serves as a trustee for the receipt and distribution of reparations, facilitates coordination of the use of reparations across countries to avoid disadvantageous forms of competition, provides investment banking services to support the use of the reparations to fund a domestically focused ‘sovereign wealth fund’, and provides ‘public option’ commercial banking services to recipient country firms in order to foster the growth of recipient country economies. Finally, the article finds that the most effective means of funding the reparations would be to use Special Drawing Rights (or SDRs).</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"700-726"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12842","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141659566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Global North–South Reparations: Demand-side and Supply-side Policies with a Dynamic View of International Trade and Finance","authors":"Bidisha Lahiri, William A. Darity Jr.","doi":"10.1111/dech.12841","DOIUrl":"10.1111/dech.12841","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This study begins with an overview of illustrative scenarios that historically have resulted in imbalances of economic well-being, growth and stability which demarcate the Global South and the Global North. The authors examine alternative approaches to reparations for those structural imbalances, from monetary transfers that are more likely to have demand-side implications to capacity-building approaches that are more likely to affect supply-side conditions for the Global South. Targeted supply-side strategies lean more towards rehabilitation rather than purely compensatory measures aimed at redress for historical injustices and exploitations faced by the Global South. Economic analysis underpins a discussion of these different reparations strategies. The authors argue that a dynamic approach to understanding the impact of reparations is essential. This calls for a broader strategy to be adopted, offering unconditional support in practical areas such as industrial policy, investment in manufacturing, capacity building in research and development, and initiatives for general infrastructure development. More importantly, these policies must be guided by the needs identified by the people of the nations in the Global South. Moreover, for any reparations endeavours to have enduring effects, they must be reinforced by the elimination of current external imbalances that exist within the frameworks of international economic relations.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"672-699"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12841","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141671358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Colonialism, Genocide and Reparations: The German-Namibian Case","authors":"Henning Melber","doi":"10.1111/dech.12840","DOIUrl":"10.1111/dech.12840","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In 2015 the German government acknowledged that the Empire committed genocide in its colony South West Africa, known since its independence as Namibia. This acknowledgement marked a new reference point in how to engage with colonial crimes. Since then, Germany has fallen short of bearing full and unconditional responsibility for and recognition of the crime in terms of restorative justice. While Germany deserves credit for its commemoration and remorse over the Holocaust during World War II, victims of other forms of extermination with the intent to destroy still crave adequate recognition, commemoration and compensation in the form of reparations. This article presents the Namibian case to illustrate the contradictions and limitations that emerge when general notions are tested and undermined by asymmetric power relations of <i>Realpolitik</i>.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"773-799"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12840","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141688241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}