{"title":"3/4 of a Monster: On Mixed Shifty Agreement in Telugu","authors":"T. Messick","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00512","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00512","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Within the typology of embedded pronouns, there are languages that allow for non-first person pronouns to apparently control first person agreement morphology when in certain embedded contexts. This type of agreement displays some degree of optionality: it is also possible for the pronoun to control the expected agreement morphology given the pronoun’s own overt morphological features. This paper provides new data from the Dravidian language Telugu that shows when the embedded pronoun controls agreement on two separate targets, agreement may be uniform across the two targets or the two targets can mismatch in one direction, but crucially not the other. I show how we may account for this paradigm using the assumptions that the pronouns in question are similar to so-called hybrid nouns and that agreement features are restricted in principled ways.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49559765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Quexistentials and Focus","authors":"Kees Hengeveld;Sabine Iatridou;Floris Roelofsen","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00441","DOIUrl":"10.1162/ling_a_00441","url":null,"abstract":"Many languages have words that can be interpreted either as question words or as existentials. We call such words quexistentials. It has been claimed in the literature (e.g., Haida 2007) that, across languages, quexistentials are (a) always focused on their interrogative interpretation and (b) never focused on their existential interpretation. We refer to this as the quexistential-focus biconditional. The article makes two contributions. The first is that we offer a possible explanation for one direction of the biconditional: the fact that quexistentials are generally contrastively focused on their interrogative use. We argue that this should be seen as a particular instance of an even more general fact—namely, that interrogative words (quexistential or not) are always contrastively focused—and propose an account for this fact. The second contribution of the article concerns the other direction of the biconditional. We present evidence that, at least at face value, suggests that focus on a quexistential does not necessarily preclude an existential interpretation. Specifically, we show that it is possible for Dutch wat to be interpreted existentially even when it is focused. We attempt to explain this phenomenon.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":"54 3","pages":"571-624"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42437251","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Relativized Locality: Phases and Tiers in Long-Distance Allomorphy in Armenian","authors":"Hossep Dolatian;Peter Guekguezian","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00456","DOIUrl":"10.1162/ling_a_00456","url":null,"abstract":"Linguistic processes tend to respect locality constraints. In this article, we analyze the distribution of conjugation classes in Armenian verbs. We analyze a type of tense allomorphy that applies across these classes. We show that on the surface, this allomorphy is long-distance. Specifically, it is sensitive to the interaction of multiple morphemes that are neither linearly nor structurally adjacent. However, we argue that this allomorphy respects “relativized adjacency” (Toosarvandani 2016) or tier-based locality (Aksënova, Graf, and Moradi 2016). While not surface-local, the interaction in Armenian verbs is local on a tier projected from morphological features. This formal property of tier-based locality is substantively manifested as phase-based locality in Armenian (cf. Marvin 2002). In addition to being well-studied computationally, tier-based locality allows us to capture superficially nonlocal morphological processes while respecting the crosslinguistic tendency of locality. We speculate that tier-based locality is a crosslinguistic tendency in long-distance allomorphy, while phase-based locality is not necessarily so.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":"54 3","pages":"505-545"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43841418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Definiteness Effect in the PP","authors":"Katalin É. Kiss","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00453","DOIUrl":"10.1162/ling_a_00453","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":"54 3","pages":"625-648"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42173873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"High and Low Applicatives of Unaccusatives: Dependent Case and the Phase","authors":"Marcel den Dikken","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00450","DOIUrl":"10.1162/ling_a_00450","url":null,"abstract":"The principal objective of this article is to establish a direct relationship between the structural height of the base position of the applied argument and the case and promotion-to-subject patterns observed in applicative constructions, with particular reference to applicatives of unaccusatives. The article achieves this through an approach exploiting dependent case, with the domains relevant for dependent case assignment being identified as phases, defined as (a) complete predicate-argument structures and (b) propositions. By making argument structure a defining ingredient of the delineation of phases, the article distills precise and accurate predictions about the interaction between the base-generation site of the applied object and the case patterns of unaccusative constructions featuring such an object, improving on the efficacy of previous accounts. In the process, the article reexamines the syntactic status of constituents located on the edge of a phase.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":"54 3","pages":"479-503"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43007631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Agreement Shift in Embedded Reports","authors":"Dmitry Ganenkov","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00449","DOIUrl":"10.1162/ling_a_00449","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses person agreement in embedded reports in Aqusha Dargwa (Nakh-Daghestanian). In contrast to root clauses, which have obligatory person agreement matching the features of the controller, finite embedded reports allow pronoun-agreement mismatches, such as third person agreement in the presence of a first person singular subject or first person singular agreement in the presence of a third person subject. I argue that person agreement in Aqusha can function in two different modes—plain ϕ-feature mode and logophoric mode—depending on whether person morphology responds to usual morphological person features or to discourse-related logophoric features. Concentrating on the logophoric mode, I propose that the left periphery of finite embedded reports contains a logophoric complementizer that carries the discourse feature [LOG] and a null pronominal in its specifier specified as [ATTITUDE HOLDER].","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":"54 3","pages":"547-570"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46334730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On the Syntax of Multiple Sluicing and What It Tells Us about Wh-Scope Taking","authors":"Klaus Abels;Veneeta Dayal","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00448","DOIUrl":"10.1162/ling_a_00448","url":null,"abstract":"Across many languages, multiple sluicing obeys a clausemate constraint. This can be understood on the empirically well-supported assumption that covert phrasal wh-movement is clause-bounded and subject to Superiority. We provide independent evidence for syntactic structure at the ellipsis site and for locality constraints on movement operations within the ellipsis site. The fact that the distribution of multiple sluicing is substantially narrower than that of multiple wh-questions, on their single-pair as well as their pair-list reading, entails that there must be mechanisms for scoping in-situ wh-phrases that do not rely on covert phrasal wh-movement. We adopt the choice-functional account for single-pair readings. For pair-list readings, we develop a novel functional analysis, argue for the functional basis of pair-list readings, and present a new perspective on pair-list readings of questions with quantifiers.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":"54 3","pages":"429-477"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48743070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Argument/Adjunct Distinction Does Not Condition Islandhood of PPs in English","authors":"Andrew McInnerney","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00511","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00511","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 I argue that the well-known islandhood of adjunct prepositional phrases does not substantially derive from their adjuncthood. Instead, islandhood of these domains derives from various factors that are orthogonal to the argument/adjunct distinction, including PP-internal structure, lexical properties of prepositions, and semantico-pragmatic construal. To show this, I demonstrate that PP-islandhood cross-cuts the argument/adjunct distinction. In particular, (i) PPs with NP complements are generally not islands, (ii) PPs with tensed clausal complements are generally (strong) islands, and (iii) PPs with gerundive complements are generally (weak) islands. These generalizations hold whether or not the relevant PP has a prototypical adjunct function.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48474236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Contiguity Theory and the Ordering of Contrastive Elements","authors":"Daiki Matsumoto","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00509","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00509","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper examines the typology of the ordering of contrastive elements. It is shown first that languages including English, French, Italian, Japanese and Georgian ban a contrastively focused object from preceding a contrastive topic subject. It is further observed that among these languages, only English and French allow a contrastively focused subject to precede a contrastive topic object. In order to explain this typology, an extended version of Contiguity Theory is proposed. The account is further compared with some other potential alternative accounts and argued to be a more desirable account than them, with some additional empirical virtues.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49551665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}