{"title":"Gender Features and Coordination Resolution in Greek and Other Three-Gendered Languages: Implications for the Cross-Linguistic Representation of Gender","authors":"Luke James Adamson, Elena Anagnostopoulou","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00543","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00543","url":null,"abstract":"Many three-gendered languages have in common that some nouns are assigned conceptual gender – where the value of gender correlates with the interpretation of the noun – while other nouns are assigned arbitrary gender – where there is no such correlation. Strikingly, however, such languages do not always pattern together in how they resolve agreement with gender-mismatched coordinated nominals. If coordination resolution reflects feature representation, variation across languages with similar gender categories presents a puzzle. We hypothesize that resolution with gender-mismatched human and inanimate coordinated nominals is predictable from how properties like animacy and individuation are encoded within a language’s gender system. Focusing on Greek and contrasting patterns in Icelandic and Bosnian/Coratian/Serbian (BCS), we capture resolved agreement patterns through i) an interpretable vs. uninterpretable feature distinction, ii) a feature-geometric account à la Harley and Ritter 2002; and iii) universal coordination resolution mechanisms we refer to as percolation and conversion. Our system correlates resolution with other language-internal properties for gender agreement across the languages we investigate and captures complex patterns of resolution that have not been fully appreciated.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142180947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Variable Force Modality in English Infinitival Relatives: A Matter of Degree","authors":"Thomas Grano","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00542","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00542","url":null,"abstract":"English infinitival relative clauses exhibit variable force deontic modality, with the restriction that whereas a weak necessity (should-like) reading is always available, a possibility (can/could-like) reading is available only under weak quantifiers. I propose: weak necessity modals have a degree semantics, whereby combination with a silent positive morpheme yields weak necessity; existential closure of the degree variable yields possibility; and existential closure is available only under weak quantifiers because only they are interpreted within VP. The account supports the view that modality is scalar, that deontic possibility and (weak) necessity occupy the same scale, and that existential closure is structurally constrained.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142180946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Linking Agreement and Movement: A Case Study of Long Distance Agreement in Border Lakes Ojibwe","authors":"Christopher Hammerly, Éric Mathieu","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00541","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00541","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues for an extension of current models of Agree to capture relativized EPP effects, where a probe for movement targets an element with a specific set of features. We support the proposal through a case study of long distance agreement (LDA) in the Border Lakes dialect of Ojibwe (Central Algonquian), where the patterns of LDA depend on the particular combination of person/animacy features of the embedded arguments. This can be captured by the feeding and bleeding relationships between agreement and movement probes on Voice, Infl, and C.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141863522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Program for Eliminating Syntactic Categories","authors":"Paul Elbourne","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00540","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00540","url":null,"abstract":"Future research could profitably explore the hypothesis that syntactic categories should be eliminated from linguistic theory and their work taken over largely by the independently motivated system of semantic types. This would be a notable gain in theoretical economy, provided that their elimination does not necessitate innovations of equivalent complexity elsewhere in the theory.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141754125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On Contracted Negation in Scots","authors":"Nicholas Sobin","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00538","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00538","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Thoms et al. (2023) propose a system of negation involving two base–generated NegPs, one below T and the other above T, claiming that negative inflections do not syntactically attach to T, but merge with T morphophonologically. Their analysis is driven by the distribution of the contracted negative inflection –nae in Scots negative imperatives and assumptions about adverbial positioning. Clitic vs. affix is claimed insufficient to characterize –nae vs. –n’t. However, further considerations of adverb positioning and other phenomena demonstrate that the two–NegP analysis is unnecessary, and that the clitic/affix distinction can characterize –nae and –n’t, respectively.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141645196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Suppletion in Global Perspective","authors":"D. Brodkin","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00537","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00537","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper documents and analyzes a system of suppletive alternations that are conditioned by top-down prosodic context. In Mandar (Austronesian), seven heads supplete at the right edge of the phonological phrase to satisfy an output constraint on foot structure. When phrase-external phonological context makes it possible to resolve this output constraint in a more optimal way, this suppletion is suspended. These effects suggest that the mechanism which regulates suppletion, vocabulary insertion, must be situated within a phonological calculus that can access global context and respond to output constraints.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141646675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gesoel Mendes, Marta Ruda, Jana Willer-Gold, Boban Arsenijević, Bojana Ristić, Nermina Čordalija, Nedžad Leko, Frane Malenica, Franc Marušič, Irina Masnikosa, T. Milicev, N. Miliċeviċ, Petra Mišmaš, Ivana Mitić, B. Stankovič, Matea Tolić, Jelena Tusek, Anita Peti-Stantić, Andrew Nevins
{"title":"Agreement Switch in Verb-Echo Answers: Evidence for Distributed Ellipsis","authors":"Gesoel Mendes, Marta Ruda, Jana Willer-Gold, Boban Arsenijević, Bojana Ristić, Nermina Čordalija, Nedžad Leko, Frane Malenica, Franc Marušič, Irina Masnikosa, T. Milicev, N. Miliċeviċ, Petra Mišmaš, Ivana Mitić, B. Stankovič, Matea Tolić, Jelena Tusek, Anita Peti-Stantić, Andrew Nevins","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00539","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00539","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this article, we claim that syntactic objects undergoing ellipsis can be targeted by both narrow syntactic and PF operations. We base this conclusion on experimental evidence from the interaction between single conjunct agreement and verb-echo answers in South Slavic, which we show to be derived via verb-stranding VP ellipsis. Adopting the view that Vocabulary Insertion replaces Q-variables on lexical heads (Halle 1991) and ellipsis is a syntactic operation which deletes Q-variables (Saab 2022), we demonstrate that constituents properly included in the ellipsis site can undergo Internal Merge in the narrow syntax, and can participate in PF processes from the derived position. The interaction between ellipsis, Internal Merge and Agree-Copy that accounts for these patterns of data follows naturally within the Distributed Ellipsis approach.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141646305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Visibility and Intervention in Allomorphy: Lessons from Modern Greek","authors":"Lefteris Paparounas","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00479","DOIUrl":"10.1162/ling_a_00479","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45172400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}