Government and Opposition最新文献

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The Erdoğan Government's Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic: Performance and Actuality in an Authoritarian Context 埃尔多安政府应对新冠肺炎疫情:威权背景下的表现与现状
IF 2.8 2区 社会学
Government and Opposition Pub Date : 2022-05-26 DOI: 10.1017/gov.2022.16
Melis G. Laebens, Aykut Öztürk
{"title":"The Erdoğan Government's Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic: Performance and Actuality in an Authoritarian Context","authors":"Melis G. Laebens, Aykut Öztürk","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.16","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article analyses the Erdoğan government's policy response to the coronavirus pandemic. Despite the abundant use of moral antagonisms in his discourse, Erdoğan did not attempt to politicize the pandemic, instead framing it as a global health crisis and presenting the government's public health policies as expert-driven and competent. However, this expert-driven approach was largely a performance. Without a system of democratic oversight or a free media to scrutinize government policies, the Erdoğan government could systematically undercount COVID-19 cases and disregard its own public health restrictions, all the while spreading its narrative of competence and success. Competitive policymaking by opposition-controlled municipalities and criticism from a strong doctors' association had relatively limited ability to discredit the government. The public opinion data we present reveal broad-based support for the government's COVID policies. Our article highlights how authoritarian institutions allow governments to sustain a gap between performance and actuality, granting their leaders greater possibilities to claim policy success.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44078022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
‘Congruent We Govern’: Cost of Governance in Multiparty Presidentialism “我们执政”:多党制总统制的执政成本
IF 2.8 2区 社会学
Government and Opposition Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.1017/gov.2022.15
Carlos Pereira, Frederico Bertholini, M. Melo
{"title":"‘Congruent We Govern’: Cost of Governance in Multiparty Presidentialism","authors":"Carlos Pereira, Frederico Bertholini, M. Melo","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.15","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The received wisdom on executive–legislative relations in multiparty presidential systems is that the size of the president's majority in Congress is the key factor explaining governance patterns, particularly the president's legislative success. However, in many cases presidents enjoying a nominal majority have been unable to pass legislation and have faced institutional instability. The article departs from a conventional definition of divided government and focuses on the preference incongruence between the governing coalition and the floor of Congress. It argues that the ideological distance between the floor and the coalition is a key factor explaining the president's cost of governing (which includes factors such as the distribution of cabinet portfolios and budgetary transfers to coalition partners). The article provides an empirical test with data from Brazil that find that the greater the ideological incongruence, the higher the cost of governing for the president.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":"58 1","pages":"843 - 861"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42172473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Denialism and Populism: Two Sides of a Coin in Jair Bolsonaro's Brazil 否认主义和民粹主义:雅伊尔·博索纳罗的巴西硬币的两面
IF 2.8 2区 社会学
Government and Opposition Pub Date : 2022-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/gov.2022.14
Marisa von Bülow, R. Abers
{"title":"Denialism and Populism: Two Sides of a Coin in Jair Bolsonaro's Brazil","authors":"Marisa von Bülow, R. Abers","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.14","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article analyses the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on Brazil's populist radical right (PRR), as well as the responses of PRR actors to the pandemic, during the period from March 2020 to October 2021. Despite high death rates and declining popularity in the final months of that period, the Brazilian president consistently maintained a denialist narrative that incorporated key aspects of populist ideology. Based on the analysis of opinion surveys, documents, online messages and secondary sources, we argue that explaining this denialism requires understanding Brazil's radical-right populism as more than an ideology: it is a social movement. The impacts of the pandemic on Bolsonaro's PRR government and its responses can only be understood by simultaneously analysing the top-down actions of the leader and the bottom-up role of bolsonarismo – that is, the broad coalition of actors who actively support the radical-right project. The case of bolsonarismo suggests that literature on populism in general would profit from taking right-wing movements more seriously as co-producers of populist rhetoric and practices.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47548287","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
What Explains the Electoral Crisis of Social Democracy? A Systematic Review of the Literature 如何解释社会民主党的选举危机?文献系统综述
IF 2.8 2区 社会学
Government and Opposition Pub Date : 2022-04-11 DOI: 10.1017/gov.2022.10
Frank Bandau
{"title":"What Explains the Electoral Crisis of Social Democracy? A Systematic Review of the Literature","authors":"Frank Bandau","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.10","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract While there are some signs of revitalization, social democracy has witnessed a deep electoral crisis over the last decades. The causes for the decline of social democratic parties are highly contested among researchers. This article provides a systematic review of the literature which spans several fields such as party politics, political sociology and political economy. Four kinds of explanations (sociological, materialist, ideational and institutional) are distinguished and scrutinized on the basis of empirical studies published since 2010. The findings indicate that there is not one explanation that stands out but that the electoral crisis of social democracy is a complex phenomenon with multiple causes, such as socio-structural changes, fiscal austerity and neoliberal depolarization. In addition, the findings suggest that a liberal turn on sociocultural issues does not necessarily lead to vote losses. Further research should explore more deeply how short-term and long-term factors have worked together in the process of social democratic decline.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":"58 1","pages":"183 - 205"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46214941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Knowledge Is Power: The Staffing Advantage of Parliamentary and Ministerial Offices 知识就是力量:议会和部长办公室的人员配置优势
IF 2.8 2区 社会学
Government and Opposition Pub Date : 2022-04-11 DOI: 10.1017/gov.2022.2
Pieter Moens
{"title":"Knowledge Is Power: The Staffing Advantage of Parliamentary and Ministerial Offices","authors":"Pieter Moens","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.2","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article analyses the distribution of staff resources between party offices. While earlier studies have compared central and parliamentary offices, this study also includes ministerial offices. To capture fully the differences in staffing, I examine both the quantity (staff size) and quality (education, experience, tasks) of their staffs. The empirical section is based on a cross-sectional analysis of original survey data collected among political staffers in Belgium and the Netherlands (N = 1,009). While the Belgian cabinet system includes extensive ministerial offices, ministerial staff is limited in the Dutch non-cabinet system. The results show how this institutional difference shapes parties' internal distribution of resources. While the party in parliament does not have a clear staffing advantage over the party in central office in Belgium, they are both eclipsed by the large, highly qualified party in the executive. In the Netherlands, the impact of ministerial offices is negligible and the staff of the party in parliament is both larger and more qualified than the staff of the party in central office.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43114484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
The Trump Self-Coup Attempt: Comparisons and Civil–Military Relations 特朗普的自我政变企图:比较与军民关系
IF 2.8 2区 社会学
Government and Opposition Pub Date : 2022-04-07 DOI: 10.1017/gov.2022.13
D. Pion-Berlin, T. Bruneau, Richard B. Goetze
{"title":"The Trump Self-Coup Attempt: Comparisons and Civil–Military Relations","authors":"D. Pion-Berlin, T. Bruneau, Richard B. Goetze","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.13","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The storming of the US Capitol building in January 2021 was a presidential attempt at a self-coup. To make the case, this article reviews elements of the Capitol assault and the events leading up to it, in light of the key conceptual components of a self-coup, and how those compare to attributes of other kinds of attacks on governments. The Trump self-coup will then be compared and contrasted empirically to other self-coups perpetrated by leaders. It is found that what separates successful self-coups from those that fail is whether the military backs the undertaking. Thus, a section is included on US military behaviour in response to Trump's attempts to gain military adherence for his political actions.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":"58 1","pages":"789 - 806"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43379899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
GOV volume 57 issue 2 Cover and Back matter GOV第57卷第2期封面和封底
IF 2.8 2区 社会学
Government and Opposition Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/gov.2022.9
{"title":"GOV volume 57 issue 2 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.9","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":"57 1","pages":"b1 - b2"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44439592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Rassemblement National and COVID-19: How Nativism, Authoritarianism and Expert Populism Did Not Pay Off during the Pandemic 民族与新冠肺炎联盟:本土主义、威权主义和专家民粹主义在疫情期间如何没有得到回报
IF 2.8 2区 社会学
Government and Opposition Pub Date : 2022-03-30 DOI: 10.1017/gov.2022.12
Caterina Froio
{"title":"The Rassemblement National and COVID-19: How Nativism, Authoritarianism and Expert Populism Did Not Pay Off during the Pandemic","authors":"Caterina Froio","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.12","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The article examines the response of the French National Rally (Rassemblement National – RN) to COVID-19. It combines computer-based and qualitative content analysis of Facebook posts and press releases to uncover the salience and frames of the infection. I find that the RN used an ambivalent strategy to respond to the pandemic, linking an unexpected problem to its core ideological tenets, while also adapting its programmatic profile. Specifically, the RN interpreted COVID-19 in terms of immigration and defence. Diagnostic frames drew on nativist, authoritarian and populist tenets to identify the origin of the infection (migrants), and to attribute blame for its spread (lack of border controls). Moreover, prognostic frames used disagreement within the scientific community to criticize governments' policies and propose alternatives. While this strategy allowed the RN to address an issue outside its ‘comfort zone’, its support base remained stable. These results point at the radical right's strategic use of expert knowledge and populist logics to try to improve its credibility in mainstream public debates.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44958195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 10
Public Trust in Latin America's Courts: Do Institutions Matter? 公众对拉丁美洲法院的信任:制度重要吗?
IF 2.8 2区 社会学
Government and Opposition Pub Date : 2022-03-30 DOI: 10.1017/gov.2022.6
David De Micheli, Whitney K. Taylor
{"title":"Public Trust in Latin America's Courts: Do Institutions Matter?","authors":"David De Micheli, Whitney K. Taylor","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.6","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Despite the integral role of the judiciary to democracy, and the importance of judicial trust for judicial system performance, we know relatively little about the bases of public trust in this institution. How does institutional quality affect judicial trust? We explore this question in the context of Latin America, using a multilevel data set comprising survey data spanning 2001 to 2016 and country-level institutional and economic factors. We find that the effects of institutional quality on judicial trust are highly circumscribed. Factors like rule of law and corruption impact the judicial trust of only the best-educated survey respondents. Among the broader public, however, judicial trust is shaped more strongly by individuals' subjective economic and regime evaluations, as well as one's personal experiences with the judiciary.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47338606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
The Three Faces of Populism in Power: Polity, Policies and Politics 民粹主义执政的三面:政体、政策和政治
IF 2.8 2区 社会学
Government and Opposition Pub Date : 2022-03-30 DOI: 10.1017/gov.2022.4
M. Caiani, P. Graziano
{"title":"The Three Faces of Populism in Power: Polity, Policies and Politics","authors":"M. Caiani, P. Graziano","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.4","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this article, we explore the consequences of the increasing presence of both left- and right-wing populist parties in government, critically reflecting on the recent scholarship on the topic, underlining promising venues for future research and outlining a conceptual framework which constitutes the background of this special issue entitled ‘Populism in Power and its Consequences’. Our main contribution is empirical, since – by reflecting on the various articles hosted in the special issue – we assess the impact of populist parties in government on politics, polities and various policy domains. We also provide an account of potential moderating factors of the influence of populists in government, focus on different ideological underpinnings of types of populisms (left-wing and right-wing) and discuss their relevance. We conclude by identifying four possible scenarios for European populist parties in governments: radicalization, compromise and moderation, splintering, or loss.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":"57 1","pages":"569 - 588"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46541915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 10
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