{"title":"Outcomes, Politicians, or the Institution Itself? Using a Czech Case to Explain Trust Formation in Different Political Institutions and the Implications for Voter Turnout","authors":"Jan Hruška, Stanislav Balík","doi":"10.1177/08883254241229730","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254241229730","url":null,"abstract":"Compared to the scholarship on general political trust, relatively little attention has been paid to institutional trust. Research on the subject tends to treat political institutions as single entities, ignoring the fact that different institutions can enjoy, in the long term, very different levels of trust. This paper builds on the assumption that institutional trust may be formed differently depending on the institution type, and thus aims to explain how trust is formed in different types of democratic institutions. Moreover, it explains how the relationship between trust in a political institution and voter turnout can change depending on how trust is formed. The study is based on the content analysis of 30 semi-structured interviews from the Czech Republic. The study shows that respondents tend to develop trust in a political institution based on their assessment of the institution’s current performance and outcomes rather than their assessment of the institution itself. The study argues that an integral part of the concept of trust in a political institution is the popularity of the politicians who represent the institution. However, how trust is formed depends on the type of institution, which has important implications for measuring this concept. The relationship between institutional trust and turnout may also vary depending on how trust in an institution is formed. Thus, a potential correlation between trust in an institution and electoral participation may exist depending on the type of an institution.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140142153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gabriel Bădescu, Daniela Angi, Jozsef Benedek, Sorana Constantinescu
{"title":"Historical Legacies and Their Impact on Human Capital: Comparing Regions within Romania","authors":"Gabriel Bădescu, Daniela Angi, Jozsef Benedek, Sorana Constantinescu","doi":"10.1177/08883254231219015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231219015","url":null,"abstract":"This article asks if the measures of human capital, ethnic diversity, and gender equality from 1930 explain current levels of human capital in Romania, while also assessing the role of macro-regional differences in the manifestation of historical legacies. We focus on human capital, measured by educational attainment and by conscientiousness, a personality trait we estimate using a behavioral measure. The analysis is based on a recent large-scale national survey from 2019–2020 and census data from 1930. We find that contemporary human capital levels are influenced by a combination of factors, including historical human capital levels, ethnic diversity, and gender equality. Additionally, we show that the long-term impact of these factors can vary by region. Specifically, our study identifies four distinct long-term effects within the historical region of Transylvania and two in the rest of the country. In Transylvania, the present educational attainment is shaped by both the 1930 literacy rate and gender equality, while in the other regions, only the literacy rate exerts a statistically significant influence. Similarly, when it comes to current levels of conscientiousness, Transylvania’s levels are affected by both the 1930 literacy rate and ethnolinguistic fractionalization, whereas in the rest of the country, only ethnolinguistic fractionalization has a statistically significant impact.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139938972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tibor Toró, István Gergő Székely, Tamás Kiss, Réka Geambașu
{"title":"Inherent Attitudes or Misplaced Policies? Explaining COVID-19 Vaccine Hesitancy in Romania","authors":"Tibor Toró, István Gergő Székely, Tamás Kiss, Réka Geambașu","doi":"10.1177/08883254231198886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231198886","url":null,"abstract":"hesitancy toward COVID-19 vaccines was not particularly high in Romania at the beginning of the vaccination campaign. Nevertheless, the country became one of the laggards in the European Union in terms of vaccination rates. We aim to provide an empirical explanation for this phenomenon based on a representative survey conducted in November–December 2021. We test the influence of various factors on vaccine hesitancy, such as personal experiences with the disease, trust in relevant institutions, general worldviews, and the contact with certain institutions, such as the Romanian Orthodox Church, and general practitioners. Furthermore, we find that three COVID-specific cognitive factors played a crucial role in this respect, namely the evaluation of anti-COVID state measures, belief in COVID-related conspiracy theories, and, especially, fears of negative effects of COVID-19 vaccines. The high explanatory power of these three factors also shows that low vaccination rates were not inevitable consequences of some “inherent” attitudinal characteristics widespread in the Romanian society; on the contrary, vaccine hesitancy has developed as an unfortunate side effect of weak crisis management, as the government and relevant state institutions failed to properly utilize key organizational resources, such as the national network of general practitioners, and proved to be unable to dissipate fears and countervail the spread of conspiracy theories, while emergency measures did not resonate enough among the Romanian public.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139938971","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Taming Transylvania: Paramilitaries Building State and Peace after World War I","authors":"Manuel Mireanu","doi":"10.1177/08883254231203336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231203336","url":null,"abstract":"This text is a political analysis of the events surrounding the demise of the Austro–Hungarian administration in Transylvania and its replacement by the Romanian one at the end of World War I. It focuses on the months of November and December 1918. In particular, the text looks at the Romanian paramilitary groups called the National Guards. I argue that in Transylvania in November and December 1918, the National Guards played a pacifying and state-building role, through their repressive and anti-communist function. Unlike the paramilitary phenomenon in the rest of Europe, in Transylvania it was the very counter-revolutionary function of the paramilitary troops that produced constructive and constitutive effects. At the same time, unlike the Romanian historiography, which almost unanimously has seen the role of these troops as only a positive one, I underline the repressive function of the National Guards, which made them act violently against any alternative political projects of that period in the region. The revolutionary state of the province in those days had to be calmed down for Transylvania’s autonomy to be ensured under the control of the local Romanian authorities. The Romanian elite’s state-building project needed security to gain legitimacy. To this end, this elite took control of the various paramilitary forces of the region and monopolized them under the National Guards umbrella. These groups were crucial in the repression against the republican movement and the perceived Bolshevik threat.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136234404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Expression of Dissidence: NOW-a Publishing House as a Social Movement Campaign under an Authoritarian Regime","authors":"Paweł Sowiński","doi":"10.1177/08883254231203333","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231203333","url":null,"abstract":"The research article (Expression of Dissidence) analyses Polish underground publishing during the late Cold War using the NOW-a publishing house as an example. The innovation of my approach lies in an attempt to bring closer Western and Eastern studies on various aspects of resistance. The subject of Polish resistance has already been studied but not with reference to the concept of everyday resistance. The protest sites are examined more closely with the question of how urban and rural geography can play a role in bringing a movement together. More broadly, what my contribution offers is to revive Charles Tilly’s concepts to study Polish resistance and to see historical developments from a social movement perspective.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"17 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135219071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Opening, Polling, Counting: Deterring Election-Day Fraud","authors":"Marta Regalia","doi":"10.1177/08883254231203337","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231203337","url":null,"abstract":"International election observation has been scrutinized over the past two decades by scholars trying to explain its aim, scope, and consequences. As it is now a standard practice in democratizing countries, scholarly literature has almost reached a consensus on the ability of observers to deter election-day fraud, one of the most positive unintended consequences of election observation. Using data from the 2004 Ukraine presidential election, this article extends our knowledge through a natural experiment on polling station-level election results. I will show that observation during counting does not have a stronger effect than observation during opening and/or polling. Results support previous studies showing the usefulness of election observation in reducing election-day fraud but add an important finding that deserves further scholarly attention.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"1 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135218167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"In the Shadows of the Commonwealth: Catholicism, Religious Tolerance, and Nineteenth-Century Polish Independence","authors":"Jared N. Warren","doi":"10.1177/08883254231203332","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231203332","url":null,"abstract":"Polish intellectuals in the first half of the nineteenth century defended Polish independence in the European public sphere through the conscious invention of a tradition of religious tolerance. Because defenses of Polish independence in this period were often designed for a European public, the multi-religious heritage of Poland-Lithuania’s past provided resources to shape Polish politics for a variety of audiences and their differing political and religious values. European and Polish publics saw the Russian empire as religiously intolerant, and therefore Poles crafted histories of Poland that offered an explicit counterpoint to this perception of Russia: a Polish tradition of religious co-existence. As long as these international geopolitical appeals remained a dominant part of their political imaginations, Polish intellectuals conceived of Poland in a multi-confessional manner. Polish intellectuals in the first half of the nineteenth century did not conflate Polish national identity with Roman Catholicism but framed their ideas against the multi-religious legacy of the Polish- Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, by tying the question of Polish independence so strongly to the religious sphere, the figures in this article laid the groundwork for future developments in Polish nationalism in later (and more confessionally rigid) periods.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"10 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135567822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Wendy Bracewell, Krzysztof Jasiewicz, Andrzej Tymowski
{"title":"From the Editors and From the Translator","authors":"Wendy Bracewell, Krzysztof Jasiewicz, Andrzej Tymowski","doi":"10.1177/08883254231209472","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231209472","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135618823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Elite Universities as Populist Scapegoats: Evidence from Hungary and Turkey","authors":"Ioannis N. Grigoriadis, Ece Işık Canpolat","doi":"10.1177/08883254231203338","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231203338","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the reasons for the recent populist assault against elite academic institutions in Hungary and Turkey. After exploring the literature on populism, social mobility, and social pluralism, it then focuses on the modalities of the attack against two elite academic institutions, established upon the U.S. liberal arts college tradition, the Central European University (CEU) and Boğaziçi University, respectively, and its implications for Hungarian and Turkish politics. Two arguments are put forward: First, such attacks have emerged in the context of a populist narrative against institutions facilitating social mobility. Social mobility undermines the “us versus them” populist narrative where the masses are permanently placed on the “losers” side and therefore depend on the charismatic populist leader. With social mobility facilitated through high-quality academic institutions, these “losers” have the chance to improve their material and non-material well-being through education. Second, these institutions promote social pluralism and critical thinking, cultivating a mode of reflection that contradicts the simplistic populist dichotomies and opposes democratic backsliding.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135567930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nationalist versus Populist Constructions of “the People”: Eastern Europe and Latin America in Comparative Perspective","authors":"Blendi Kajsiu","doi":"10.1177/08883254231194262","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231194262","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that while nationalist discourses construct “the people” through positive identity practices, populist discourses articulate it through negative identity practices. Nationalism emphasizes who “the people” are, by identifying a number of core positive characteristics that they share, such as ethnicity, language, culture, history, religion, or political rights and civic traditions. Populism, on the other hand, defines “the people” primarily in a negative fashion in opposition to the elites. Here, “the people” do not share any positive characteristics beyond their oppression, exclusion, and marginalization by the elites. In order to empirically demonstrate the above distinction, I compare the political discourse of Rafael Correa in Ecuador during his first term in office (2007–2012) with that of Victor Orbán in Hungary, primarily during his second term in office (2010–2014). The comparison between these two political projects not only spells out important differences between populist and nationalist articulations of “the people” but also highlights different types of anti-system politics that have emerged in Latin America and Eastern Europe.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135882988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}