{"title":"The Hallier Affair, Political Corruption and National Dignity in Romania in Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries","authors":"Constantin Ardeleanu","doi":"10.1177/08883254251352115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251352115","url":null,"abstract":"In 1895, the Romanian government entered into a contractual agreement whereby the French entrepreneur Adrien Hallier was tasked with the construction of modern port facilities in the Black Sea port of Constanța. In due course, disagreements between the two partners intensified, ultimately resulting in the formation of an arbitration tribunal tasked with resolving the matter. During the dispute, political elites and the public advanced a plethora of accusations and conspiracy theories regarding the underlying motives behind the Romanian authorities’ willingness to uphold Western financial interests more than “true” and “national” interests. This article analyzes the Hallier Affair, identified by observers and historians as one of the most significant instances of political corruption in Romanian history, by examining the nexus between major infrastructure projects and political corruption between 1895 and 1900. It focuses on clientelism, abuse of public office, treason, and other charges made against government officials who supported the purportedly illegitimate financial interests of a profiteering entrepreneur and political debates on the relationship between Romanians and foreigners at a time when national(ist) forces were striving for complete independence and Romania’s integration into the “civilized world.”","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144547091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Youth Activism in Poland: Perceptions of Protest and Civic Engagement","authors":"Paulina Pospieszna, Félix Krawatzek","doi":"10.1177/08883254251344204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251344204","url":null,"abstract":"During national crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, government approval tends to surge. In Poland, however, there was a pronounced resistance to the government’s management of the pandemic in a context of the ongoing democratic backsliding. As part of the crisis response, the Polish right-wing government adopted measures that not only tried to contain the virus but also encroached on civil liberties. This paper sets out to understand the significance of the civic activism that flourished among young people, who took diverse grievances to the streets. An analysis of focus group discussions in two contrasting Polish cities allows us to examine perspectives on the resurgence of civic activism. Under the right-wing government, conservative youth groups received governmental support and refrained from protests, while liberals mobilized to defend democratic values. A Constitutional Tribunal ruling which imposed further restrictions on abortion served as a catalyst for protests. Irrespective of their political orientation, young Poles valued protest as a means of individual expression and as a manifestation of lived democracy. Our findings show that government opponents saw protest as an opportunity to advocate for cultural-liberal issues, while government supporters perceived it as a tipping point, signaling government failure. Despite political divisions, Polish youth stressed the importance of freedoms and human rights. The government’s exploitation of the pandemic to limit human rights led to a rallying in their defense.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144260674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mateusz Błaszczyk, Piotr Pieńkowski, Yuriy Pachkovskyy, Khrystyna Ilyk, Małgorzata Felińska
{"title":"Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine as Witnessed by Ukrainian and Polish Students","authors":"Mateusz Błaszczyk, Piotr Pieńkowski, Yuriy Pachkovskyy, Khrystyna Ilyk, Małgorzata Felińska","doi":"10.1177/08883254251332297","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251332297","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this study is to explore the experiences of those who observe war from a distance and to gain insights into how war affects communities and societies at a distance from direct hostilities. We compare the reactions to the outbreak of war both behind (in Lviv—considered a safe city in an invaded country) and beyond (in Wrocław, Poland, which neighbors Ukraine) the frontline. These cities represent, accordingly, a post-Soviet state undergoing Westernization, and a state now belonging to the realm of liberal Western democracies. Our study is based on an empirical analysis of memoirs written by sociology students in Lviv and Wrocław during the first three months of the war in May 2022. We analyze the structure of witnessing the war, evaluate the resilience of social order in the face of war-induced threats, and highlight the similarities and differences discovered between Ukraine and Poland. The outcomes highlight fundamental ways of experiencing the war outside the hostilities. The differences between Ukrainian and Polish narratives can be interpreted in terms of how real the threat of war is but also in the wider historical and political context.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"148 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144067114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Demagogic Normality of Polish Neo-Traditionalism: Constructing an Illiberal Imaginary","authors":"Francesco Melito","doi":"10.1177/08883254251335935","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251335935","url":null,"abstract":"The process of democratization in Central and Eastern Europe has been shaken by the growth of counter-hegemonic narratives contesting the Western-type model of liberal democracy. The “illiberal turn” in Poland frequently targets progressive values, manifesting as a cultural war around the meaning of the signifier “normality.” This article focuses on an illiberal neo-traditionalist discourse coalition in Poland, analyzing the ideological discursive construction of “normality” from two angles. First, it empirically discloses the effort to replace the liberal collective imaginary with a neo-traditionalist alternative. Neo-traditionalism pictures an idyllic “normal” way of life, invoking a mythical past as a remedy to a perceived failure—the broken promise of the post-1989 transformation. Simultaneously, it creates images of monstrosity and abnormality to exclude different worldviews. Second, illiberal processes of normalization are presented as a demagogic, rather than populist, practice that frames “our normality” as the only scenario a rational individual can desire. Illiberal neo-traditionalism thus emerges as a demagogic and ideological mobilization to redefine what is to be considered normal in response to a performed crisis.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"140 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143920465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"War Populism? Volodymyr Zelensky’s Visual Transformation on Instagram after Russia’s Full-Scale Invasion of Ukraine","authors":"Michael Cole","doi":"10.1177/08883254251335939","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251335939","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s visual transformation on the social media platform Instagram after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. While the populist style often involves politicians artificially triggering perceptions of crises to underscore their unique leadership qualities, the crisis Zelensky faced was undeniably real. Therefore, I argue the existential threat to Ukraine that Russia’s invasion posed provided the context for Zelensky to present a more authentic version of himself on Instagram than before. Nevertheless, features of Zelensky’s Instagram strategy after Russia’s invasion can be traced back to the populist style he employed on the platform beforehand.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"68 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143920302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Ethnic Card: From Diaspora Policy Instrument to Migration Policy Trigger. The Case of the Pole’s Card","authors":"Marcin Gońda, Magdalena Lesińska","doi":"10.1177/08883254251332300","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251332300","url":null,"abstract":"Initially, kin-states introduced ethnic cards to strengthen ties with kin-minorities. Today the ethnic card has transformed into an important and effective tool of migration policy, aimed at attracting new immigrants and potential future citizens. Its purpose has changed from reinforcing identity and cultural ties with a diaspora to encouraging the holders to settle and filling labor and demographic gaps in the kin-state. The article presents the evolution of the ethnic card as an instrument of kin-state policy using the example of the Pole’s Card. Since its introduction in 2007, the Card’s provisions have changed profoundly; not only have its subject and material scope been significantly expanded but there has also been a noticeable shift in the narrative about its role in the state’s policy toward the Polish diaspora. Based on a review of legislative documents, transcripts of parliamentary sessions on the Act on the Pole’s Card, as well as expert interviews, the authors trace this evolution, analyze the motives behind the process, and examine the impact of the Card on current migration flows to Poland.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"70 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143884350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Do Populists in Power or the Economy Impact Civic Culture?","authors":"Denis Ivanov","doi":"10.1177/08883254251335936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251335936","url":null,"abstract":"This paper empirically tests whether populists in power or economic wellbeing influence civil society and civic culture. It conceptualizes civic culture broadly by focusing on citizen mobilization and evaluation of both national and supranational political institutions. The longer populists hold government positions, the stronger their control over civil society organizations, affecting participation in civil society initiatives. However, a higher GDP per capita is associated with increased participation in civic society initiatives. Both the duration of populist rule and economic factors shape civic culture across Central and Eastern Europe. On the country level, the length of governance under populist elites correlates with a decrease in individual social connectedness, growing dissatisfaction with democracy, and diminished interest in politics. Country-level economic development correlates with higher levels of institutional trust, social trust, social connectedness, and satisfaction with democracy but negatively with trust in the European Union, election turnout, interest in politics, and participation in trade unions. Higher levels of civic culture are most consistently driven by one’s income at individual level. Citizens appear to be evolving into allegiant citizens—those who maintain some level of trust in governmental institutions also support the principles and practices of democracy and exhibit a general increase in apathy toward politics. Evidence from the European Social Survey and the V-Dem database supports these conclusions.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"78 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143875829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The East and the West: Regional Deservingness and Migration Aspirations of Displaced Ukrainians Living in Poland and the Czech Republic","authors":"Luděk Jirka, Mateusz Kamionka, Lucie Macková","doi":"10.1177/08883254251332662","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251332662","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars of deservingness emphasize the attitudes of host societies toward migrant communities and inter-ethnic stances of migrant groups but not in-group perceptions of deservingness. Based on interviews with Ukrainian citizens who received temporary protection in the Czech Republic and Poland after the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, we show that participants classified the fleeing of their fellow citizens from Western Ukraine as non-deserving of temporary protection. Migration from this region, minimally affected by the war, was seen as economic and voluntary not forced. As such, Ukrainians from this part of Ukraine could not vindicate their displacement. By contrast, those fleeing from Eastern Ukraine were perceived as worthy, since their migration was “truly” forced due to the active war, and therefore deserving of temporary protection. However, most Ukrainians displaced in the Czech Republic and Poland are from Western Ukraine and thus, from the perspective of participants, they do not deserve temporary protection. This research suggests that regional aspects are important when studying the “deserving” or “non-deserving” migration aspirations of Ukrainian beneficiaries of the Temporary Protection Directive.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"76 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143876095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Barna Bakó, Zombor Berezvai, Péter Isztin, József Ráti
{"title":"Is it Greener on the Right Side? The Relationship between Political Preferences and Environmental Behavior in Hungary","authors":"Barna Bakó, Zombor Berezvai, Péter Isztin, József Ráti","doi":"10.1177/08883254251333781","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251333781","url":null,"abstract":"Environmentalism and pro-environmental behavior are widely thought to correlate with political attitudes. In particular, both empirical and anecdotal evidence suggests that left-leaning individuals have more favorable dispositions toward environmentalism and practices that are regarded as environmentally friendly. We test this hypothesis using election data from Hungary. The main novelty of our result is that we study revealed, not stated, preferences. We concentrate on one particular environmental practice: waste separation. Surprisingly, we find that districts with a higher left-wing vote share engage less in waste separation on average. This result, although surprising, is consistent with previous survey-based evidence. We provide suggestions on how to interpret and explain our findings.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143875889","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Why Brothers in Kosovo Build Identical Houses: The House as an Attempt to Adapt to Contradictions of Globalization","authors":"Radan Haluzík","doi":"10.1177/08883254251335981","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251335981","url":null,"abstract":"Remittances following economic and wartime migration are behind the huge number of <jats:italic>remittance houses</jats:italic> and entire <jats:italic>remittance landscapes</jats:italic> that have grown up in Kosovo in recent decades. The houses emulate the style and comfort of the villas of European and American suburbia but also in many respects reflect the local life style, the traditional life of (joint) families, but also the dramatic changes that it is undergoing. A model in which two, three, four, or more brothers build a row of houses—one for each brother—has become popular in the building boom in rural and suburban Kosovo in the last two decades. This article interprets these family projects as an attempt by joint families to adapt to the massive cultural change and globalization that (not only) Kosovo has been going through. As a proactive albeit problematic attempt to tackle the (otherwise) intractable tensions and ambivalences that rapid cultural transformations bring. The adaptation involved is a response to challenge at four levels: First, the growing economic inequality between brothers in joint family households; second, the physical absence of the owners of these houses, who are often living abroad; third, the growing desire for individuation and privacy; and finally, the disintegration/reformulation of the very institution of the joint family. It is unclear, however, whether it is really possible for architecture as agent of adaptation to counterbalance the immense social pressures generated by globalization or resolve the intractable contradictions with which it faces families and individuals.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143875876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}