East European Politics and Societies最新文献

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The Role of Legitimacy in Shaping Tax Morale: The Case of Hungary 合法性在塑造税收士气中的作用:以匈牙利为例
IF 0.7 4区 社会学
East European Politics and Societies Pub Date : 2025-03-24 DOI: 10.1177/08883254251324435
Zsanett Pokornyi, Tamás Barczikay
{"title":"The Role of Legitimacy in Shaping Tax Morale: The Case of Hungary","authors":"Zsanett Pokornyi, Tamás Barczikay","doi":"10.1177/08883254251324435","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251324435","url":null,"abstract":"Building on Margaret Levi’s theory of fiscal contract (1997), this article argues that people are primarily motivated to pay tax by governmental legitimacy. According to Levi, the agreement assumes the provision of collective services which focus on the needs of society; if services respond effectively to public interests, taxpayers reimburse them with their taxes. Put another way, under the fiscal contract, as long as the government abides by its own terms, legitimacy guarantees taxpayers that the government will draw up policy frameworks for cooperation. Thus, legitimacy is the main tool used by the government to influence citizens’ moral considerations in taxpaying, that is, their tax morale. Based on Fritz W. Scharpf’s thesis of input-oriented and output-oriented legitimacy (1999), the article investigates the impact of legitimacy on tax morale through five governmental tools: government communication, channeling public opinion (input-oriented legitimacy), quality of collective services, legal frameworks, and implementation (output-oriented legitimacy). However, the case of Hungary also highlights on the role of the nature of a political regime what also has an impact on the effectiveness of governmental legitimacy. Results show that the centralization of the tax administration and the exclusion of citizens from flagship collective services in the Hungarian hybrid regime could make the role of important legitimacy tools insignificant in shaping citizens’ tax morale. Building on this argument, this article provides a new framework to investigate the role of governmental legitimacy and the nature of a political regime in shaping tax morale.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"96 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143695289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Fictionalizing the Past in Estonia: Cultural Memory in Women’s Literature 虚构爱沙尼亚的过去:女性文学中的文化记忆
IF 0.7 4区 社会学
East European Politics and Societies Pub Date : 2025-03-20 DOI: 10.1177/08883254251324523
Elena Pavlova, Irina Paert
{"title":"Fictionalizing the Past in Estonia: Cultural Memory in Women’s Literature","authors":"Elena Pavlova, Irina Paert","doi":"10.1177/08883254251324523","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251324523","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the way in which traumatic memories of the Soviet past are communicated in Estonian- and Russian-language women’s literature published in Estonia. The representation of the past in these works does not support the claim that the collective memories of Russian and Estonian communities are antagonistic and incapable of “agreeing to disagree.” Focusing on women’s prose written in independent Estonia after 1991, this article examines narrative elements that expose agonistic, rather than antagonistic, interpretations of the cultural memory of these two communities. These interpretations rely on a multiplicity of perspectives, dealing with issues of personal and collective responsibility and agency.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"93 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143665853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Artists and Generals: The Representation of Colonial and National Rule through Street Naming 艺术家与将军:通过街道命名来表现殖民统治与国家统治
IF 0.7 4区 社会学
East European Politics and Societies Pub Date : 2025-03-19 DOI: 10.1177/08883254251324212
Ágoston Berecz
{"title":"Artists and Generals: The Representation of Colonial and National Rule through Street Naming","authors":"Ágoston Berecz","doi":"10.1177/08883254251324212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251324212","url":null,"abstract":"The history of multinational East-Central Europe is increasingly viewed through a colonial lens. This article contributes to the ongoing discourse about the applicability of colonial frameworks by looking at the cultural connotations embedded in urban street names by dominant elites. Between the 1860s and 1914, street naming emerged as a tool for demarcating territories, asserting authority, and popularizing historical narratives. Drawing on a database of 168 towns and cities, this study reveals distinct divergences in official street naming practices between multinational regions of the Austro-Hungarian, German, and Romanov Empires, and overseas exploitation colonies of the British, French, Portuguese, Dutch, German, and Spanish empires. In the latter, street names often accentuated ethnic and racial distinctions, but in the former, they tended to mitigate such differences. Colonial street names frequently evoked the exotic imagery of their surroundings, predominantly focusing on the European conquest in their time map. Unlike the prevalent trend of bestowing high cultural namesakes in Europe, colonial nomenclature also leaned toward military and bureaucratic references. Moreover, colonial streets frequently referenced the metropolitan geography, whereas inhabitants of national peripheries seemed less inclined to tether their identities to the center. Finally, colonial cities typically underwent more extensive renaming in a commemorative vein, contrasting with the more stable street names in East-Central Europe. In this context, distinctive colonial traits are identified in the street naming practices of Russian-ruled Poland. The maps used in this publication are partly based on the following source: © EuroGeographics for the administrative boundaries.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"92 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143661250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
A Narrow Path to Victory: Robert Fico, Smer-SD, and the 2023 Elections in Slovakia 狭窄的胜利之路:罗伯特·菲科,斯梅尔- sd,和斯洛伐克的2023年选举
IF 0.7 4区 社会学
East European Politics and Societies Pub Date : 2025-03-19 DOI: 10.1177/08883254251324191
Tim Haughton, David Cutts, Marek Rybář
{"title":"A Narrow Path to Victory: Robert Fico, Smer-SD, and the 2023 Elections in Slovakia","authors":"Tim Haughton, David Cutts, Marek Rybář","doi":"10.1177/08883254251324191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251324191","url":null,"abstract":"Politicians whose political careers appear finished rarely make successful comebacks. Slovakia’s Robert Fico was propelled back to power when his party, Smer-SD, won the 2023 parliamentary elections and was able to form a coalition government. An election victory for Fico, however, seemed unthinkable in 2018 when he resigned as prime minister amid large-scale protests, and even more unlikely in 2020 when his party lost power, suffered a subsequent split, and slipped to single digits in the polls. Organizational and ideational resources provided a platform for recovery for Smer-SD and other parties to bounce back. Moreover, the chaotic nature of the government formed in 2020 and stark challenges posed by the pandemic and the war in Ukraine created conditions propitious for a comeback. Data from a specially commissioned survey conducted in the days after the election show campaign messaging around strong and effective leadership combined with policy pitches towards key demographic groups found a receptive audience. Although Smer-SD won a plurality of the vote, its ability to return to power was dependent on forging a coalition highlighting not just the pivotal nature of one of Smer-SD’s eventual partners in government, but also the mechanics of the electoral system that ensured Smer-SD’s other coalition partner crossed the electoral threshold. The 2023 elections demonstrate not just how divisive politicians like Fico can return to power, but also given the subsequent democratic erosion in Slovakia, they provide lessons for the study of democratic backsliding and resilience.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143661249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Gender Differences in Public Issue Salience: Evidence from Czechia 公共议题显著性的性别差异:来自捷克的证据
IF 0.7 4区 社会学
East European Politics and Societies Pub Date : 2025-03-16 DOI: 10.1177/08883254251321179
Lucie Bohdalová
{"title":"Gender Differences in Public Issue Salience: Evidence from Czechia","authors":"Lucie Bohdalová","doi":"10.1177/08883254251321179","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251321179","url":null,"abstract":"This study explores gender differences in public issue salience—the relative importance that men and women place on various public issues—focusing on how assets like wealth, education, and marketable skills shape these priorities within the Czech social context. This study is rooted in Iversen and Soskice’s theory of assets as well as in the Iversen and Rosenbluth’s theory of political preferences, which help to explain gender differences in the issue salience among subgroups of women who negotiate their positions in the labor market. When data from the Czech Public Opinion Research Center (CVVM) were analyzed with binary logistic regression and predictive margins, the findings revealed that assets affect the salience that men and women assign to social protection issues. Women are more likely than men to view social protection issues as the most important issue domains. This is explained by the potential of social protection policies to enable women to invest in their marketable skills, use their skills in the labor market, and emancipate themselves. Health issues are highly gendered, with men consistently assigning low importance to health concerns, irrespective of their background. This study contributes to the understanding of gender differences in issue salience, political attitudes, and agenda-setting.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"49 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143635664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
“We No Longer Only Carry Flowers”: Radicalization Processes Among the Belarusian Opposition-in-Exile “我们不再只携带鲜花”:白俄罗斯流亡反对派的激进化进程
IF 0.7 4区 社会学
East European Politics and Societies Pub Date : 2025-03-16 DOI: 10.1177/08883254251321177
Ekaterina Pierson-Lyzhina
{"title":"“We No Longer Only Carry Flowers”: Radicalization Processes Among the Belarusian Opposition-in-Exile","authors":"Ekaterina Pierson-Lyzhina","doi":"10.1177/08883254251321177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251321177","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores radicalization processes among the Belarusian opposition-in-exile using resource mobilization theory. Drawing on the case of the post-2020 opposition, exiled in the European Union and recognized by the West as a privileged interlocutor and “legitimate representative of the [Belarusian] people,” it identifies the stages of its radicalization in response to repression in Belarus and Russia’s aggression against Ukraine: first a peaceful approach, then emphasis on self-defense, and finally preparation for violent resistance. It explains each stage by the aggregation and maintenance of a “resource threshold.” It counts domestic/exile networks and Western allies as resources crucial for activism among the exiled opposition. The article also argues that different strategies (peaceful versus violent) have been useful for achieving the resource threshold of the Belarusian opposition-in-exile depending on the domestic, host states’, and sponsor states’ political and geopolitical environments.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"89 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143635747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Platens from the Past: Yugonostalgia and the UNIS-tbm Typewriter 来自过去的打字机:对时代的怀念和美国打字机
IF 0.7 4区 社会学
East European Politics and Societies Pub Date : 2025-01-29 DOI: 10.1177/08883254241309286
Kristen R. Ghodsee
{"title":"Platens from the Past: Yugonostalgia and the UNIS-tbm Typewriter","authors":"Kristen R. Ghodsee","doi":"10.1177/08883254241309286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254241309286","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the lost history of the Olympia Traveller and Traveller de Luxe typewriters. Designed in Germany but manufactured in a once multiethnic town called Bugojno in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as part of a thriving Yugoslav typewriter industry, these machines were once exported to all corners of the globe with more than ninety different keyboards. Sold throughout Yugoslavia under the brand name UNIS-tbm and UNIS-tbm de Luxe, these typewriters were also common objects in many former Yugoslav homes and have recently become ubiquitous props in a thriving culture of “Yugonostalgia.” Using Roland Barthes’s key 1957 insight about the “mythologies” that inhere in quotidian objects, this article views the typewriters as a concrete embodiment of the memory of Yugoslavia as an imagined community of “brotherhood and unity.” Using historical accounts in the Yugoslav, Bosnian, and international press, as well as expert interviews with journalists, curators, and historians, this article pieces together the backstory of a fascinating piece of Yugoslav material culture and its legacies and meanings in an ethnically homogeneous but corrupt and disappointing neoliberal present.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143055546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Neo-Feudalism and Neo-Traditionalism as Responses to Liberalism 新封建主义与新传统主义对自由主义的回应
IF 0.7 4区 社会学
East European Politics and Societies Pub Date : 2024-12-18 DOI: 10.1177/08883254241295463
Jan Kubik
{"title":"Neo-Feudalism and Neo-Traditionalism as Responses to Liberalism","authors":"Jan Kubik","doi":"10.1177/08883254241295463","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254241295463","url":null,"abstract":"The rise of right-wing populism as a challenge to liberalism has two major explanations: cultural and economic. Cultural explanations must strike a balance between general mechanisms and specific conditions of concrete regions or countries. There is an argument that a large segment of the population in east central Europe has rejected liberalism because it sees liberalism as an alien implant from “the West.” However, this explanation does not answer two key questions: Why this rejection seems to have come after a considerable delay and why it took the form of right-wing populist reaction. Relying on the concepts of neo-traditionalism and neo-feudalism, I propose answers to these questions.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142849098","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Expelled from the Fairytale: The Impact of the Dissident Legacy on Post-1989 Central European Politics 被逐出童话世界:持不同政见者的遗产对 1989 年后中欧政治的影响
IF 0.7 4区 社会学
East European Politics and Societies Pub Date : 2024-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/08883254231196318
Kacper Szulecki
{"title":"Expelled from the Fairytale: The Impact of the Dissident Legacy on Post-1989 Central European Politics","authors":"Kacper Szulecki","doi":"10.1177/08883254231196318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231196318","url":null,"abstract":"To understand the political dimension of dissident legacies, we need first to understand the components that “made” the dissidents and follow their reconfiguration after 1989, leading to initial empowerment followed by gradual demise of the liberal post-dissident elite. Dissidence in the form that first appeared in the late 1960s and early 1970s in central and eastern Europe constituted a particular mode of political practice, combining open, non-violent dissent with universalist moral claims. The phenomenon of dissidentism was transnational, as political empowerment of oppositionists was achieved through a particular network of relationships between domestic audiences, repressive regimes, and Western media, social movements, trade unions, political parties, and policymakers. The specificities of the dissidents’ empowerment can partly explain key features of post-dissident politics and the visible backlash against former prominent dissidents, which has contributed to the rise of illiberalism and to democratic backsliding. This article traces the post-1989 trajectories of a few who belonged among central Europe’s most prominent representatives in this symbolic category, to try to explain the causes and character of the swift backlash against them—or as Václav Havel put it, their “expulsion from the fairytale.” Three pillars of dissident political power turned into the roots of their demise. First, critics question the dissidents’ uniqueness and rewrite their master narrative. Further, we see a clash of representations that results from the dissidents’ transnational empowerment, and third, the broader anti-elite and anti-intellectual tendencies that always accompanied dissidence as its shadow became amplified by more recent populist rhetoric.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142563239","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Václav Havel Posthumous Reclamation of a National Hero? 瓦茨拉夫-哈维尔被追认为民族英雄?
IF 0.7 4区 社会学
East European Politics and Societies Pub Date : 2024-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/08883254221148489
Barbara J. Falk, Daniela Bouvier-Valenta
{"title":"Václav Havel Posthumous Reclamation of a National Hero?","authors":"Barbara J. Falk, Daniela Bouvier-Valenta","doi":"10.1177/08883254221148489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221148489","url":null,"abstract":"A playwright, philosopher, and president, Václav Havel was well known at home and abroad for all his “careers” and contributions. This article compares and contrasts the recognition accorded to Havel at home and abroad, examining differing assessments and aspects of his legacy—his key contributions to politics, history, and the history of ideas. Within the Czech Republic, we refer to processes and types of memorialization such as local media, exhibitions, how Havel is and was referenced in protest, and more “official” memorials. This national process of reclaiming Havel increasingly brings his domestic profile into accord with his long-standing international stature—which was decidedly not the case while he was in political office. By following avenues of evidence and example from institutional and official levels to more decentralized, local, and unofficial initiatives, we explore which aspects of Havel’s own usable past are referenced, which in turn illuminates how collective memory is shaped. The process of memorializing Havel and paying tribute to his ideas and legacy is necessarily unfinished. Although he died in 2011, how Havel is remembered will continue to evolve, along with larger national and international discussions of dissidence and the impact of Charter 77, as both he and the Velvet Revolution continue to resonate in movements for political change in authoritarian regimes.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"241 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142563243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
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