{"title":"FOFC as a PF phenomenon: Evidence from Basque clausal embedding","authors":"Maia Duguine","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5745","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5745","url":null,"abstract":"The Final-Over-Final Condition (FOFC) accounts for a strong cross-linguistic general-\u0000ization whereby head-initial phrases are not dominated by head-final phrases. Giving an explanatory\u0000analysis of this condition requires to determine whether it is a narrow syntactic or a PF phenomenon.\u0000This paper explores an array of word order patterns in Basque which are different in root vs. em-\u0000bedded clauses. These contrasts can be explained as FOFC-effects resulting from strategies that\u0000ensure compliance when the syntax creates structures that potentially violate the FOFC. From there,\u0000the FOFC is analyzed as a condition on head-initial phrases not being dominated by head-final\u0000phrases if both host overt heads. When either of them hosts no overt head, compliance ensues.\u0000Consequently, the FOFC is a PF phenomenon, sensitive to the specific positions in which heads\u0000surface.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75723964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Indexed definiteness","authors":"P. Jenks","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5717","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5717","url":null,"abstract":"Building on recent work on anaphoric definiteness, this paper presents arguments that there is a general distinction between plain and indexed definite DPs, distinguished by the presence of a syntactically rep- resented index—IdxP—in [Spec, DP]. Typical instances of indexed definites include anaphoric definites, complex demonstratives (e.g. that linguist), and pronominal definites (e.g. we linguists). Several arguments for in- dexed definites are brought together from the syntax and semantics of referential expressions in English and Mandarin and the typology of defi- niteness marking. A new argument for the proposed syntax and semantics is then presented from anaphoric definite DPs in Marka-Dafing (Mande). Co-occurrence restrictions between exophoric and anaphoric demonstra- tives in Marka-Dafing, which are argued to be quite general, provide addi- tional support for the idea that indexed definites use a dedicated syntactic position in [Spec, DP].","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85657352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Future time reference and viewpoint aspect: Evidence from Gitksan","authors":"L. Matthewson, Neda Todorovic, M. Schwan","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6341","url":null,"abstract":"In many languages, future time reference can be conveyed in more than one grammaticized way. An example is English, which uses will and be going to. These two forms make different semantic and pragmatic contributions, and the source of the contrast is a matter of debate. For example, Copley (2009) argues that both will and be going to have a modal component, but be going to also contains progressive aspect. Klecha et al (2008) and Klecha (2011) also posit modality for both forms, but argue that will introduces obligatory modal subordination; crucially for them, be going to does not contain the progressive. In this paper, we address the following three questions: (a) Do any other languages show a contrast between will-like and be going to-like futures? (b) Is there cross-linguistic support for the proposal that some futures contain progressive aspect? (c) Can cross-linguistic data shed light on the debate about English?Our answer to all three questions is ‘yes’. We show that (a) Gitksan (Tsimshianic) displays a contrast between will-like and be going to-like futures; (b) their distribution provides support for progressive aspect in the latter type of futures; and (c) Gitksan contributes cross-linguistic evidence to the debate about the nature of futures in English. We provide an analysis that combines elements of both Copley’s (2009) and Klecha’s (2011) accounts. More generally, we argue that different future constructions across languages are derived by combining at least the following three building blocks: prospective aspect, a modal, and the progressive.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81159979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Saveria Colonna, B. Laca, Leticia López, Eduardo Correa Soares
{"title":"When the present lies in the past: [Present under Past] in subjunctive clauses in Uruguayan Spanish","authors":"Saveria Colonna, B. Laca, Leticia López, Eduardo Correa Soares","doi":"10.16995/glossa.7904","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.7904","url":null,"abstract":"On the basis of corpus and experimental evidence, this paper claims that the ongoing process of change affecting the use and interpretation of the [Present under Past] pattern in subjunctive argument clauses in some Spanish varieties is sensitive to the syntactic/semantic type of the clause. The pattern deviates from Sequence-of-Tense grammar in not giving rise to double access effects. In the variety explored in this paper, this only happens in the argument clauses of causative, directive, and volitional predicates, i.e. in a type of clause which is held to be lower in a scale of clausehood than the argument clauses of predicates of belief and assertion.@font-face{font-family:Calibri;panose-1:2 15 5 2 2 2 4 3 2 4;mso-font-charset:0;mso-generic-font-family:auto;mso-font-pitch:variable;mso-font-signature:3 0 0 0 1 0;}p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal{mso-style-parent:\"\";margin:0cm;margin-bottom:.0001pt;mso-pagination:widow-orphan;font-size:12.0pt;font-family:Calibri;mso-fareast-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;}div.Section1{page:Section1;}","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"220 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89380672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nuclear Accent placement in broad focus intransitives in native and non-native English: an investigation of syntactic and pragmatic factors","authors":"S. A. Landblom, T. Ionin","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5810","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5810","url":null,"abstract":"Simple broad focus intransitives in English have been observed to occur with variable nuclear accent (NA) placement on either the subject or verb. This variability can be difficult to acquire in a second language (L2), especially when the speaker’s first language (L1), such as Spanish, has less flexible NA placement. Learners tend to transfer L1 intonational patterns into their L2, but there is still more to understand about the learning trajectory. Furthermore, the factors driving the NA placement alternation in intransitives is still not completely understood for L1 speakers; there is a debate about whether NA placement is driven by syntactic factors, such as verb type, pragmatic factors, or a combination of the two. The study reported in this paper used an oral production task to elicit broad focus intransitives from both L1 English speakers and L1 Spanish L2 English learners. Verb type and expectedness were crossed in stimuli construction in order to test the effects of both syntactic and pragmatic factors on NA placement for both speaker groups. The results indicate that L1 speakers are most likely to produce NA on the subject in with expected unaccusative verbs, and to produce NA on the verb in all other conditions. L2 speakers show a stronger preference for utterance-final NA placement on the verb, which is likely transferred from the preferred pattern of their L1. At the same time, L2 learners of higher proficiency do show evidence of acquiring the utterance-final NA placement pattern, especially in the with expected unaccusative verbs.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86307836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Variability in speaker expectations of morphosyntactic mutation in Welsh","authors":"Yosiane White, Gareth Roberts","doi":"10.16995/glossa.8730","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.8730","url":null,"abstract":"Like all modern Celtic languages Welsh exhibits initial consonant mutation with both lexical and morphosyntactic triggers. Owing to the complexity of the system and the sociolinguistic situation of Welsh, change and variation in the system seems inevitable, and evidence for change has been observed in production. Less work, however, has focused on speakers' attitudes and expectations in perception. We used an online auditory acceptability judgement survey to investigate expectations for different morphosyntactic soft-mutation triggers. Respondents listened to sentences with canonical and non-canonical mutation patterns and used Likert scales to indicate for each sentence whether they would use the same pattern themselves and whether they would expect it from others. Almost all respondents expected some variation, even in their own production, but two main clusters of respondents could be identified: ``Conservative'' respondents whose expectations were close to canonical mutation patterns and ``Variable'' respondents whose expectations were considerably more flexible. First-language status was the only demographic variable to predict respondent attitudes, and confirms that L2 Welsh speakers accept noncanonical mutation to a greater extent than L1 Welsh speakers. We also compared different mutation triggers, with the tentative conclusion that apparently identical triggers may not in fact be identical for all speakers, and that trigger transparency may be an important factor in predicting variability.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"106 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77325939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Language is for thought and communication","authors":"Martina Wiltschko","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5786","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5786","url":null,"abstract":"There is an ancient debate about whether language is an instrument for thought or for communication. I argue that the distinction is misleading, and that language is an integral part of both, human-specific thought, and communication. The argument is based on the growing consensus that grammatical knowledge – a hallmark of human language – encompasses not only the propositional content of an utterance but also its communicative content. If communicative content is regulated by grammatical knowledge, then it follows that communication is as much a function of language as thought is.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75621718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Expletiveness in grammar and beyond","authors":"Evripidis Tsiakmakis, M. Espinal","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5807","url":null,"abstract":"This paper sets out to find the defining characteristics of so-called expletive categories and the consequences the existence of such categories has for Universal Grammar. Looking into different instantiations of expletive subjects and impersonal pronouns, definite articles, negative markers and plural markers in various natural languages, we reach the following generalizations: (i) expletive categories are deficient functional elements interpreted as introducing an identity function at the level of semantic representation, (ii) they can be divided into syntactic expletives, that occur to satisfy some syntactic relationship with another item in the clause, and semantic expletives, that stand in a semantic dependency with some c-commanding category, and (iii) expletive categories tend to develop additional meaning components that are computed beyond core grammar, at the level where speech act-related information is encoded. Our discussion reveals that all categories that have been traditionally considered as expletive in the linguistic literature are interpretable in grammar or beyond and, thus, do not violate Chomsky’s Full Interpretation Principle. We conclude that there are no expletive elements in natural languages and that expletiveness is not a grammatically relevant concept.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88014866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Object mass nouns and subkind countability","authors":"Kurt Erbach, Aviv Schoenfeld","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5788","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5788","url":null,"abstract":"We argue for a novel cross-linguistic definition of object mass nouns—e.g. furniture, equipment—that accommodates the novel observation that some can combine with numericals to count subkinds. We present novel data from Hungarian, where certain object mass nouns can combine directly with numericals to count subkinds but not objects—e.g. három sportruházat (`three sportswear’) can refer to three kinds of sportswear but not three pieces of sportswear. This is unexpected, given that the inability to count subkinds is a property of object mass nouns in English (Cowper & Hall 2012, Rothstein 2017, Grimm & Levin 2017, Sutton & Filip 2018). This requires a novel definition of object mass nouns, which has implications for how they are identified across languages.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"222 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79720756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"How can a language have double-passives but lack antipassives?","authors":"Furkan Dikmen, Ömer Demirok, Balkız Öztürk","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6553","url":null,"abstract":"Passivization in Turkish may target both internal and external argument positions, for passives of unaccusatives, unergatives and transitives are possible in the language. Interestingly, Turkish also has double passives where the passive morpheme is iterated and both argument positions are saturated. However, the language does not allow for antipassives, where only the internal argument position of a transitive predicate is saturated by passivization. Importantly, under plausible compositional analyses, antipassives are fully predicted, contrary to the fact. Hence, the unavailability of antipassives in a language that has double passives (and passives of unaccusatives) remains as a puzzle, which this paper sets out to solve. In particular, we argue that antipassives are ruled out on the grounds that the passive morpheme is visible to the case calculus in terms of Dependent Case Theory but has to remain caseless throughout the derivation. We show that this account also correctly predicts that internal argument positions that happen to be lexical case positions can never be targeted by passivization. Finally, we provide a fine-grained analysis of internal argument suppression accounting for the aspectual restrictions it has been reported to have, and compare our work to the existing proposals.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72850696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}