Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics最新文献

{"title":"Projective and other locative PPs in Greek","authors":"Athanasios Michael Ramadanidis","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6153","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6153","url":null,"abstract":"The distinction between projective and non-projective locative prepositions that has been proposed in the semantic literature (Zwarts & Winter 2000) is reflected in the syntax and morphology of Greek spatial expressions. Projective PPs in Greek are always complex, formed by a spatial “adverb” and the “light” preposition apo marking the ground DP. In non-projective PPs, which can be either simple or complex, the light preposition alternates between se (in locative and goal environments) and apo (in source and route environments). This is attributed to the different syn- tactic status of the “adverb”, which is shown to be a head in projectives, and an adjunct in non-projectives (cf. Theophanopoulou-Kontou 2000). The Greek data support an extended P projection analysis along the lines of Svenonius (2008; 2010) for projectives, which relates to their vector space ontology (Zwarts & Winter 2000). Non-projective expressions, on the other hand, are syntactically reduced.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75745991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Accessing the availability of inverse scope in German in the covered box paradigm","authors":"G. Fanselow, M. Zimmermann, Mareike Philipp","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5766","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5766","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents the results of a novel experimental approach to relative quantifier scope in German that elicits data in a less direct manner. Applying the covered-box method (Huang et al. 2013; Sayeed et al. 2019) to scope phenomena, we show that inverse scope is available to some extent in the free constituent order language German, thereby validating both earlier findings on other syntactic configurations in German (Radó & Bott 2018) and empirical claims on other free constituent languages (Japanese, Russian, Hindi), as well as recent corpus findings in Webelhuth (2020). Moreover, the results of the indirect covered-box experiment replicate findings from an earlier direct-query experiment on parallel target items, in which participants were asked directly about the availability of surface scope and inverse scope readings. The configuration of interest was constituted by canonical transitive clauses with deaccented existential subject and universal object QPs in which the restriction of the universal QP is provided by the context.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78122874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"An apparent case of outwardly-sensitive allomorphy in the Armenian definite","authors":"Hossep Dolatian","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6406","url":null,"abstract":"Cross-linguistically, it is rare to find cases of phonologically-conditioned allomorphy where the trigger morpheme lies external to the target morpheme. At first sight, the Armenian definite suffix seems to be such a case. The definite suffix uses various surface forms. The choice of surface form is conditioned by the preceding segment, the following clitic, and/or the following word. However, we argue that this outward sensitivity is epiphenomenal and not actual allomorphy. We derive the surface forms by using an abstract underlying representation that uses floating segments or ghost segments. These segments go through rigid cycles of spell-out and phonological strata. Constraint re-rankings of autosegmental docking, phrasal resyllabification, and cluster avoidance explain a range of dialectal variation. In sum, the Armenian definite suffix is one case of an apparent case of outwardly-sensitive allomorphy that is reducible to latent segments.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88961344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The at-issue status of ideophones: An experimental approach","authors":"K. Barnes, Cornelia Ebert, R. Hörnig, Theresa Stender","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5827","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5827","url":null,"abstract":"Formal linguistics generally assumes that form-meaning relations in spoken language are arbitrary and not iconic. Ideophones, such as the English splish-splash and helter-skelter, have long been considered one of the few examples of lexicalised iconicity in spoken language and exceptions to the general rule of arbitrariness. Recently, however, researchers have begun to examine iconicity in spoken language more closely. Following work which established the default not-at-issue status of iconic co-speech gestures, here we present what we believe to be the first experimental work on the at-issue status of ideophones. In sentence-context matching tasks, German speakers rated target sentences containing sentence-medial ideophones more favourably in mismatching conditions than those containing adverbials. We presume that speaker judgements’ concerning how well target sentences match discourse contexts should be more impaired by mismatches induced by at-issue material than those induced by not at-issue material. We argue that speakers’ ratings indicate that sentence-medial ideophones are not at-issue. We do, however, highlight cases where ideophones appear to have an at-issue interpretation, for which we propose an initial analysis. Overall, our results provide a starting point for understanding the pragmatic status of ideophones and provide evidence that iconic, but conventionalised linguistic items, which occur in the spoken modality, can also contribute not-at-issue information as iconic gestures do in the visual modality.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86221842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Children’s comprehension of NP embedding","authors":"Erin Hall, A-T. Pérez-Leroux","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5816","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5816","url":null,"abstract":"How do children learn to interpret structurally complex noun phrases? NPs embedded inside other NPs are not accessible to predication, so that in a sentence with a subject NP containing a PP modifier such as The cup on the table is green or The dog with the bone is blue, the adjectival predicate has scope over the highest but not the embedded nominal referent (Arsenijevic & Hinzen 2012). We used a coloring task to examine children’s comprehension of sentences containing these complex NPs, comparing PP modifiers (locative and comitatives) to coordinated NPs (The cup and the table are green), where both referents are accessible. Three- to five-year-old children were highly accurate with control and coordinate sentences, and performed well with locative PPs, but were not different from chance level for comitative sentences, which many children treated as coordinates. That children differentiate between coordinate and locative sentences provides evidence that children have early access to the syntax-semantics of complex nominals. The contrast between locatives and comitatives suggests that comprehension is not merely guided by subject agreement (since the agreement patterns are the same for both types of PP-modified subjects), and that children still need to learn the lexical semantics of prepositions. Diachronically, languages with comitative modifiers evolve into language with comitative coordination (Haspelmath 2007). Thus, we propose that these error patterns for comitative prepositions can be explained by the assumption that children’s errors align with the direction of systematic language change.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86825204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Assertion and Presupposition: the Syntax of Embedded Context Updates","authors":"Kajsa Djärv","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5752","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5752","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the idea that the presence vs. absence of illocutionary potential in declarative clausal complements is syntactically reflected in the embedded clause. Specifically, we examine the two claims that (a) clauses with illocutionary potential involve an extended left-periphery encoding elements relevant to assertion (e.g. Rizzi 1997), and (b) that clauses without illocutionary potential are referential, presuppositional, or given, encoding syntactic properties of definiteness (Kiparsky & Kiparsky 1970; et seq). To this aim, we look at three phenomena commonly used to distinguish assertive and definite clauses (the licensing of Main Clause Phenomena, clausal anaphora, and extraction), asking whether their distribution across embedding contexts in fact tracks this pragmatic distinction. By looking at the distribution of these phenomena across a fairly wide range of predicates of different types (including both factive and non-factive verbs, as well as both negative and positive predicates), we conclude that the phenomena in question neither share the same distribution, nor are they sensitive to the same properties of the (embedding) context. Thus, they do in fact not call for a unified account. Rather, we find that among the phenomena investigated, only one, namely embedded V2, fits the description above of being licensed in contexts with illocutionary potential, and not available in contexts where the embedded proposition is obligatorily discourse old, or `pragmatically definite'. We conclude the paper with a proposal for a formal characterization of the types of embedded context updates that license embedded V2; extending the so-called Table Model of Bruce & Farkas 2010 to complex speaker assertions. We further show how this semantic model can be straightforwardly implemented in a standard (Rizzian) ForceP-based analysis of the assertive left-periphery. This account thus provides a concrete semantics for complex assertions, and makes explicit the bridge between this type of (fairly standard) syntactic approach to embedded assertions/V2, and the pragmatic approach to embedded V2 proposed in Caplan & Djärv 2017 and Djärv 2019.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"85 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82631767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Non-binary language in Spanish? Comprehension of non-binary morphological forms: a psycholinguistic study","authors":"Noelia Ayelén Stetie, Gabriela Mariel Zunino","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6144","url":null,"abstract":"There is empirical evidence in different languages ​​on how the computation of gender morphology during psycholinguistic processing affects the construction of sex-generic representations. However, there are few experimental studies in Spanish and there is no empirical evidence that analyzes the psycholinguistic processing of morphological innovations used as non-binary forms (-x; -e) in contrast to the generic masculine variant (-o). To analyze this phenomenon, we designed a sentence comprehension task. We registered reading times, precision and response times. The results show the specialization of non-binary forms as generic morphological variants, as opposed to the generic masculine. The non-binary forms consistently elicited a reference to mixed groups of people and the response times indicated that these morphological variants do not carry a higher processing cost than the generic masculine. Contrary to what classical grammatical approaches propose, the generic masculine does not function in all cases as generic and its ability to refer to groups of people without uniform gender seems to be modulated by the stereotipicality of the role names.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85621332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Differential place marking beyond place names: Evidence from two Amazonian languages","authors":"Karolin Obert, A. Skilton","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6371","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6371","url":null,"abstract":"Some languages display variable marking on spatial adjuncts with the same semantic role – a phenomenon known as differential place marking (DPM). Recent studies of DPM have established two common typological claims regarding the motivations and morphological realizations of the phenomenon: 1. DPM is primarily motivated by noun semantics, mainly opposing place names and other nouns; and 2. DPM is primarily realized as a contrast between zero-marking of place names and contentful marking of other nouns in spatial adjunct role. This paper evaluates these claims against new fieldwork data from two Indigenous languages spoken in Northwestern Amazonia: Dâw (Naduhup) and Ticuna (isolate).  We demonstrate that DPM in these languages is conditioned by many factors beyond the contrast between place names and other nouns, including the perceptual and ontological properties of noun referents (i.e. size, boundedness); the morphosyntactic properties of verbs; and the semantics of verbs. We additionally argue that morphological realizations of DPM extend beyond contrasts between zero- and contentful marking. Rather, DPM in these languages is realized through alternation between markers of equal complexity, as well as through variation in the set of markers with which the adjunct can combine. ","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87710525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Bare singulars and relative measure in Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"Suzi Lima, Guillaume Thomas","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5779","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5779","url":null,"abstract":"Brazilian Portuguese has received much attention in the nominal typology literature for being a language with a fully-fledged definite determiner system that also allows generalized bare singulars and bare plurals. We present a description of relative measures in Brazilian Portuguese showing that definiteness is a predictor of conservative construals and that non-conservative construals may be encoded by bare plurals and bare singulars. We show that the availability of bare singulars with a non-conservative interpretation in relative measure structures is compatible with an analysis of bare singulars as kind-denoting terms in the language.\u0000","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72723760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The (in)definite inferences of accusative andgenitive in Bosnian-Croatian-Serbian","authors":"Halima Husic, A. Renans","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5701","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5701","url":null,"abstract":"There is an ongoing discussion in the literature on how (if at all) the definiteness is conveyed in languages which lack the (in)definite article system. One proposal is that in Slavic languages the (in)definite interpretation can be conveyed by case markers (e.g. Kagan, 2007; Khrizman, 2014; Borschev et al, 2008). In particular, the observation was that in the case of accusative/genitive alternation, while accusative is associated with the definite interpretation, the genitive case is associated with the indefinite interpretation. We tested this observation in Bosnian-Croatian-Serbian. The results of our research show that whereas accusative conveys the familiarity of the discourse referent and the quantity of stuff denoted by the NP, the genitive case conveys their unfamiliarity. We argue that the inferences of genitive arise at the presuppositonal level and that the inferences of accusative are derived as anti-presuppositions.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"135 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88465592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}