{"title":"Nominal plurals in Sign Language of the Netherlands: Accounting for allomorphy and variation","authors":"C. van Boven, S. Hamann, R. Pfau","doi":"10.16995/glossa.9686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.9686","url":null,"abstract":"In both signed and spoken languages, reduplication is a common process in the formation of morphologically complex structures, expressing, e.g., plurality and certain aspectual meanings. A framework in which spoken language reduplication has been formalized frequently is Optimality Theory (OT). While an important attribute of OT-constraints is their universality, to date, the question to what extent such constraints are modality-independent, and thus work for sign language reduplication as well, remains largely unanswered. In the present study, we offer the first OT-formalization of plural reduplication in Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT). The NGT-data reveal that this language features different plural allomorphs, the choice of which depends on phonological properties of the base noun. However, we also identify variation, e.g., all noun types allow for zero marking.In our formalization, we aim to introduce constraints that are maximally modality-independent, using constraint types that have previously been proposed for spoken language reduplication. Our formalization is the first to take into account base-reduplicant faithfulness for a sign language, and also the first to account for variation in sign language data by employing stochastic OT, whereby some noise is added to the ranking value of each constraint at evaluation time. Evaluating the modality-(in)dependence of our proposed account suggests that the types of constraints we employ as well as the evaluation in the spirit of stochastic OT are not specific to a modality, while the featural implementation is inevitably modality-dependent.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81724107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"How L1-Chinese L2-English learners perceive English front vowels: A phonological account","authors":"Joy Kwon, Glenn Starr","doi":"10.16995/glossa.9282","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.9282","url":null,"abstract":"Second language acquisition involves readjusting features from one’s L1 onto counterparts in the L2. Learners often face difficulty during this process due to the presence of an already firmly rooted L1 grammar. Furthermore, a learner’s L1 serves to constrain sensitivity to non-native contrasts during the acquisition process. If a learner’s L2 grammar lacks the phonological feature that can differentiate a non-native contrast, then that learner may experience persistent difficulties in representing the L2 sounds as a result. Mandarin learners of English as a second language have to contend with a substantially expanded L2 vowel inventory in the early stages of acquisition, grappling with the addition of pronounced features less prevalent in their L1. In an attempt to account for front vowel acquisition difficulties and possible routes to progress for L1- Mandarin L2-English using a direct transfer approach, this work follows the Toronto School of contrastive phonology which holds that phonological representation is determined primarily through the ordering of contrastive features. We present data from recent phonetic research that catalogues Mandarin learners’ progress in incorporating English front vowels while, at the same time, examining the underlying phonological processes. This serves as the basis for a preliminary model of contrastive hierarchy in language acquisition using elements of a feature geometry paradigm. The model provides a theoretical roadmap showing that, as Mandarin learners progress and gradually incorporate English front vowels into their L2 repository, the learner’s L2 hierarchy evolves through successive stages as contrasts are perceived and categorized.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"89 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135623025","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A relative clause analysis of event existential constructions in Aklanon","authors":"Zachary Wellstood","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5866","url":null,"abstract":"This study is the first to document and analyze the ‘event existential construction’ (EEC) in Aklanon (AKL), an understudied Central Philippine language. I argue for an analysis wherein the existential maj selects: (i) a relative clause, which can be headless or headed, as its complement (see Law 2010 on Tagalog), and (ii) a topic-marked argument which controls a relative-clause-internal PRO. I also introduce novel evidence to demonstrate how the relative clause analysis can be extended to account for negative event existential constructions (nEECs), which have not been addressed in EEC literature on Tagalog. This study contributes to a richer understanding of cross-linguistic variation in Philippine languages, and allows us to maintain the robust generalization that Philippine-type voice is correlated with the thematic role of the topic-marked argument.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"154 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80996908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The island/non-island distinction in long-distance extraction: Evidence from L2 acceptability","authors":"Boyoung Kim, G. Goodall","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5857","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5857","url":null,"abstract":"Experimental studies regularly find that extraction out of an embedded clause (“long-distance extraction”) results in a substantial degradation in acceptability but that the degradation is much greater when the embedded clause is an island structure. We explore these two facts by means of a series of acceptability experiments with L1 and L2 speakers of English. We find that the L2 speakers show greater degradation than L1 speakers for extraction out of non-islands, even though the two groups behave very similarly for extraction out of islands. Moreover, the L2 degradation with non-islands becomes smaller and more L1-like as exposure to the language increases. These initially surprising findings make sense if we assume that speakers must actively construct environments in which extraction out of embedded clauses is possible and that learning how to do this takes time. Evidence for this view comes from cross-linguistic variation in long-distance extraction, long-distance extraction in child English, and lexical restrictions on long-distance extraction. At a broader level, our results suggest that long-distance extraction does not come “for free” once speakers have acquired embedded clauses and extraction.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"80 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88584488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A MaxEnt learner for super-additive counting cumulativity","authors":"Seoyoung Kim","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5856","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5856","url":null,"abstract":"Whereas most previous studies on (super-)gang effects examined cases where two weaker constraints jointly beat another stronger constraint (Albright 2012; Shih 2017; Breiss and Albright 2020), this paper addresses gang effects that arise from multiple violations of a single constraint, which Jäger and Rosenbach (2006) referred to as counting cumulativity. The super-additive version of counting cumulativity is the focus of this paper; cases where multiple violations of a weaker constraint not only overpower a single violation of a stronger constraint, but also surpass the mere multiplication of the severity of its single violation. I report two natural language examples where a morphophonlogical alternation in a compound is suppressed by the existence of marked segments in a super-additive manner: laryngeally marked consonants in Korean compound tensification and nasals in Japanese Rendaku. Using these two test cases, this paper argues that these types of super-additivity cannot be entirely captured by the traditional MaxEnt grammar; instead, a modified MaxEnt model is proposed, in which the degree of penalty is scaled up by the number of violations, through a power function. This paper also provides a computational implementation of the proposed MaxEnt model which learns necessary parameters given quantitative language data. A series of learning simulations on Korean and Japanese show that the MaxEnt learner is able to detect super-additive constraints and find the appropriate exponent values for those constraints, correctly capturing the probability distributions in the input data.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"56 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85931273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Individual variation and the coarticulatory path to sound change: agent-based modeling of /str/ in English and Italian","authors":"M. Stevens, J. Harrington","doi":"10.16995/glossa.8869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.8869","url":null,"abstract":"This study is concerned with sound change in single populations. Sources differ as to whether such sound changes are attributed to the accumulation of coarticulatory variation, i.e. shared tendencies, or whether idiosyncratic variation is necessary to shift population norms. Using agent-based modeling, this study compares effects of interaction amongst members of single populations with (English-speaking) and without (Italian-speaking) coarticulatory variation involving /s/-retraction in /str/. After interaction, directional shifts /s/ -> /ʃ/ are found in English but not Italian /str/. Manipulating starting conditions to remove outlier individuals from the group of interacting agents has little effect on population-level outcomes. These results provide empirical support for the idea that sound change originates in phonetic variation that is common, rather than exceptional, in a population.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90200496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"If they must, they will: Children overcommit to likeliness inferences from deontic modals","authors":"Ailís Cournane, Dunja Veselinović","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5802","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5802","url":null,"abstract":"Modal verbs like must express two distinct non-actual meanings: deontic (e.g., obligation) and epistemic (e.g., inference). How do young children understand these modals? What factors affect their interpretation as deontic or epistemic? We report a picture preference task testing preschool children’s interpretations of Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS) morati ‘must’ as deontic or epistemic. Prior work on English must shows that despite an early deontic comprehension bias at age 3, by age 5 children have flipped to a strong epistemic bias, including for constructions adults prefer deontic interpretations (must + eventive verbs). However, properties of English leave open multiple explanations for this non-adult behaviour, as must is primarily epistemic in the input, and must + eventive verb constructions can also receive epistemic interpretations. BCS morati provides a natural comparison: morati is overwhelmingly deontic in the input, and BCS syntax provides categorical cues to deontic versus epistemic interpretation. Our results show that BCS children are more adult-like at age 3 than English children, a difference we attribute to clearer syntactic cues to flavour in BCS. But, by age 5 BCS children behave like English counterparts, preferring epistemic interpretations even for constructions that are deontic-only in BCS. We argue this cross-linguistic result is best explained pragmatically: deontic uses of both morati and must invite a likelihood inference that obligations will be normatively carried out. This inference was first proposed to explain diachronic meaning changes from root-to-epistemic. We show older preschool children commit to this likelihood inference more than adults.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"76 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82072976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"FOFC as a PF phenomenon: Evidence from Basque clausal embedding","authors":"Maia Duguine","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5745","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5745","url":null,"abstract":"The Final-Over-Final Condition (FOFC) accounts for a strong cross-linguistic general-\u0000ization whereby head-initial phrases are not dominated by head-final phrases. Giving an explanatory\u0000analysis of this condition requires to determine whether it is a narrow syntactic or a PF phenomenon.\u0000This paper explores an array of word order patterns in Basque which are different in root vs. em-\u0000bedded clauses. These contrasts can be explained as FOFC-effects resulting from strategies that\u0000ensure compliance when the syntax creates structures that potentially violate the FOFC. From there,\u0000the FOFC is analyzed as a condition on head-initial phrases not being dominated by head-final\u0000phrases if both host overt heads. When either of them hosts no overt head, compliance ensues.\u0000Consequently, the FOFC is a PF phenomenon, sensitive to the specific positions in which heads\u0000surface.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75723964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Indexed definiteness","authors":"P. Jenks","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5717","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5717","url":null,"abstract":"Building on recent work on anaphoric definiteness, this paper presents arguments that there is a general distinction between plain and indexed definite DPs, distinguished by the presence of a syntactically rep- resented index—IdxP—in [Spec, DP]. Typical instances of indexed definites include anaphoric definites, complex demonstratives (e.g. that linguist), and pronominal definites (e.g. we linguists). Several arguments for in- dexed definites are brought together from the syntax and semantics of referential expressions in English and Mandarin and the typology of defi- niteness marking. A new argument for the proposed syntax and semantics is then presented from anaphoric definite DPs in Marka-Dafing (Mande). Co-occurrence restrictions between exophoric and anaphoric demonstra- tives in Marka-Dafing, which are argued to be quite general, provide addi- tional support for the idea that indexed definites use a dedicated syntactic position in [Spec, DP].","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85657352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Future time reference and viewpoint aspect: Evidence from Gitksan","authors":"L. Matthewson, Neda Todorovic, M. Schwan","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6341","url":null,"abstract":"In many languages, future time reference can be conveyed in more than one grammaticized way. An example is English, which uses will and be going to. These two forms make different semantic and pragmatic contributions, and the source of the contrast is a matter of debate. For example, Copley (2009) argues that both will and be going to have a modal component, but be going to also contains progressive aspect. Klecha et al (2008) and Klecha (2011) also posit modality for both forms, but argue that will introduces obligatory modal subordination; crucially for them, be going to does not contain the progressive. In this paper, we address the following three questions: (a) Do any other languages show a contrast between will-like and be going to-like futures? (b) Is there cross-linguistic support for the proposal that some futures contain progressive aspect? (c) Can cross-linguistic data shed light on the debate about English?Our answer to all three questions is ‘yes’. We show that (a) Gitksan (Tsimshianic) displays a contrast between will-like and be going to-like futures; (b) their distribution provides support for progressive aspect in the latter type of futures; and (c) Gitksan contributes cross-linguistic evidence to the debate about the nature of futures in English. We provide an analysis that combines elements of both Copley’s (2009) and Klecha’s (2011) accounts. More generally, we argue that different future constructions across languages are derived by combining at least the following three building blocks: prospective aspect, a modal, and the progressive.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81159979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}