ISRAEL LAW REVIEWPub Date : 2024-09-13DOI: 10.1017/s0021223724000049
Richard H Steinberg
{"title":"Politics and Justice at the International Criminal Court","authors":"Richard H Steinberg","doi":"10.1017/s0021223724000049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021223724000049","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The International Criminal Court (ICC) is a legal institution embedded in international politics. Politics shaped the Rome Statute of the ICC, which is rooted in norms and rules of European lineage and security interests of party states. Politics constrains and influences the operation of the Court, which has adapted in response to oversight and governance of the Assembly of States Parties, and to political actions extrinsic to institutional rules. The ICC also has political effects in situation states. A brief history shows that application of Rome Statute triggers across state parties with different social conditions skewed geographic distribution of its investigations and prosecutions towards Africa, a structural bias that catalysed a legitimation crisis for the ICC. Subsequent exercises of expansive jurisdiction aimed at nationals of non-African, non-party states – including Israel and some of the world's great powers – have dampened African complaints and advanced the ICC agenda, but intensified non-legitimacy claims by powerful non-party states. To survive, Court organs must follow legal mandates, yet be responsive to pressing international political demands, continuously risking the legitimacy of the ICC as a legal institution and adverse political reactions by antagonised governments. Careful management of the tension between law and politics at the ICC may modestly reduce antagonism towards the Court, but that tension cannot be resolved, and confrontations over the ICC's legitimacy are certain to recur.</p>","PeriodicalId":44911,"journal":{"name":"ISRAEL LAW REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142201810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ISRAEL LAW REVIEWPub Date : 2024-09-13DOI: 10.1017/s0021223724000086
Saba Pipia
{"title":"The Effect of Russia's Invasion of Ukraine on Non-Human Animals: International Humanitarian Law Perspectives","authors":"Saba Pipia","doi":"10.1017/s0021223724000086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021223724000086","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Since Russia's full-scale aggression against Ukraine, there have been thousands of instances of civilian casualties, damage to the natural environment and cultural property, destruction of buildings and infrastructure, blockading of ports, siege, capturing installations containing dangerous forces, and other consequences that accompany hostilities. In addition to the fatalities related to humans (civilians and combatants alike) and their property or environment, the war in Ukraine has also accounted for non-human tolls – namely, the destruction of animals or damage to their habitats.</p><p>The primary objective of this article is to study three patterns of animal suffering documented during Russia's invasion of Ukraine: (i) targeting zoos and killing zoo animals; (ii) extermination of the Black Sea dolphin population; and (iii) eating pigeons or other pets in besieged localities, and to analyse these patterns in the light of applicable rules of international humanitarian law (IHL).</p><p>The idea of this research is to underline that war can have a significant effect on various categories of animals, and Russia's invasion of Ukraine is just another example of this. The article also discusses how, and the extent to which international law can provide protection for animals in armed conflict, and whether there are any gaps in the applicable IHL rules related to the protection of animals.</p>","PeriodicalId":44911,"journal":{"name":"ISRAEL LAW REVIEW","volume":"123 16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142201818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ISRAEL LAW REVIEWPub Date : 2024-06-03DOI: 10.1017/s0021223724000050
Geoffrey Corn
{"title":"The Conduct of Hostilities, Attack Effects, and Criminal Accountability","authors":"Geoffrey Corn","doi":"10.1017/s0021223724000050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021223724000050","url":null,"abstract":"<p>War crimes related to the decision to carry out attacks during the conduct of hostilities are almost always defined in terms of conduct and not result (Article 8(2)(b) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court). Yet it is common for critiques of such decisions to focus on attack results as proof of their alleged illegality. While such results are probative of compliance or non-compliance with international humanitarian law rules regulating the conduct of hostilities, they should rarely be indisputable. This article addresses the challenge of attaching probative value to attack results when assessing responsibility for alleged war crimes based on allegedly illicit attack decisions.</p>","PeriodicalId":44911,"journal":{"name":"ISRAEL LAW REVIEW","volume":"69 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141255703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ISRAEL LAW REVIEWPub Date : 2024-05-03DOI: 10.1017/s0021223724000037
Gregory S. Gordon
{"title":"Charging Aggression as a Crime against Humanity? Revisiting the Proposal after Russia's Invasion of Ukraine","authors":"Gregory S. Gordon","doi":"10.1017/s0021223724000037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021223724000037","url":null,"abstract":"Much discussion over Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine focuses on the inability to charge aggression. However, another approach might be available: charging this under the ICC crimes against humanity (CAH) residual clause. First proposed in 2010 by Benjamin Ferencz, who lamented the circumscribed reach of aggression under the ‘Kampala Compromise’, the proposal has met with scepticism, primarily given that textbook aggression targets military forces, not civilians. Yet, civilian populations disproportionately bear the brunt of the violence of modern aggression (often being its direct targets). Russia's 2022 invasion is but the most recent and compelling example. Thus, this article resuscitates Ferencz's proposal, arguing that Russian leaders could be charged with using illegal force as a CAH under the residual clause. This approach would have practical advantages: initiating aggression in the Kremlin links liability to Putin much more directly for killing Ukrainian civilians, and charging it as CAH opens human victims to ICC participation and reparations. There are theoretical advantages, too, with utilitarian/retributive objectives better satisfied. Moreover, Ferencz's approach is better than recently proposed alternatives: using aggression merely as a gravity/liability modes/sentencing enhancer or alleging breach of the right to self-determination as the residual clause gravamen (arguably creating problems with victim group identification).","PeriodicalId":44911,"journal":{"name":"ISRAEL LAW REVIEW","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140834169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ISRAEL LAW REVIEWPub Date : 2024-02-22DOI: 10.1017/s0021223723000183
Shani Friedman
{"title":"To Blockade or Not To Blockade? The Legal Status of Russia's Suspension of Shipping in the Sea of Azov","authors":"Shani Friedman","doi":"10.1017/s0021223723000183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021223723000183","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article explores the legal situation relating to the Sea of Azov in the light of the Russian suspension of shipping on 24 February 2022. While this act received little scholarly or political attention, there is a debate concerning the legality of the suspension of shipping, mainly whether it is governed by the law of naval blockade under the laws of naval warfare. The article analyses the situation from the perspectives of both international humanitarian law (IHL) and the law of the sea (LOS) and examines how the interaction between the two legal regimes affects the analysis. The article supports the conclusion that the Russian conduct does not constitute a naval blockade but may be an accepted practice within the legal regime of naval warfare. In addition, it holds that LOS affects both the laws of naval warfare and the status of the Sea of Azov. Furthermore, the article raises doubts as to the relevance and applicability of the legal concept of naval blockade in modern international law.</p>","PeriodicalId":44911,"journal":{"name":"ISRAEL LAW REVIEW","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139927120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ISRAEL LAW REVIEWPub Date : 2024-01-04DOI: 10.1017/s0021223723000262
Suzie Navot
{"title":"An Overview of Israel's ‘Judicial Overhaul’: Small Parts of a Big Populist Picture","authors":"Suzie Navot","doi":"10.1017/s0021223723000262","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021223723000262","url":null,"abstract":"In the comparative constitutional field relating to backsliding democracies, it is difficult to find an example of a single constitutional event that undermines the basic principles of democracy. Democracies die in a slow and gradual process. Each of the laws passed is not in itself fatal for democracy but when the measures are examined together, cumulatively, the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. It is the big picture, the whole series of legal moves, that brings about a fundamental change in the state's regime until it is no longer a liberal democracy. In these situations of gradual erosion there is no single law that can reveal the magnitude of the change inherent in it. To understand the risk, it is therefore necessary to refer to its overall institutional context. The proposed reform in Israel may result in serious harm to the principle of separation of powers. Moreover, given the importance of imposing limits on governmental power as a tool for protecting human rights and the ‘rules of the game’ in democratic regimes, the reform would seriously harm the protection afforded to these rights and principles, and constitute a clear and present danger to Israel's liberal democracy.","PeriodicalId":44911,"journal":{"name":"ISRAEL LAW REVIEW","volume":"50 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139373508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ISRAEL LAW REVIEWPub Date : 2023-12-07DOI: 10.1017/s0021223723000250
Daniel Friedmann
{"title":"Politics in Legal Disguise","authors":"Daniel Friedmann","doi":"10.1017/s0021223723000250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021223723000250","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The article discusses the current legal-political crisis in Israel against the backdrop of the judicial and political powers that have led to the present situation. The disastrous Yom Kippur War of 1973 weakened the government and public confidence in the political institutions. The weaknesses of the government enabled the Supreme Court to carry out a judicial revolution, which completely changed the country's legal system. The legal revolution entered a new stage when the Supreme Court held that the Basic Laws form part of Israel's constitution. This judicially created constitution opened the way for judicial review of legislation. Its weakness stems from the fact that Basic Laws are legislated in much the same way as ordinary legislation. As a result, the Knesset can easily override any ruling of the Court that voids a statute, by amending the relevant Basic Law. The Court is now struggling to find a means of gaining some control over the legislation of Basic Laws. At the same time, the present government declared its intention to carry out legal reforms that are in effect a counter-revolution to the judicial revolution. The article examines how the fluctuation in the political support of the Court affects its decisions.</p>","PeriodicalId":44911,"journal":{"name":"ISRAEL LAW REVIEW","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138547284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ISRAEL LAW REVIEWPub Date : 2023-12-05DOI: 10.1017/s0021223723000237
Joshua Segev
{"title":"Reforming the Israeli High Court of Justice: Proposed versus Desirable","authors":"Joshua Segev","doi":"10.1017/s0021223723000237","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021223723000237","url":null,"abstract":"Constitutional courts are expected to operate under certain conditions (independence, transparency, democratic pedigree) and to resolve controversies in accordance with legal rules, principles and procedures. When these expectations are repeatedly frustrated, the legitimacy of the court is damaged and it is perceived as a partisan institution. This article discusses four structural problems in the operation of the Israeli High Court of Justice, which have contributed significantly to the Court's current legitimacy crisis: fact-finding, panel composition, standing, and judicial selection. The article examines the governmental reform plan with regard to these structural problems and proposes practical solutions for each of the problems.","PeriodicalId":44911,"journal":{"name":"ISRAEL LAW REVIEW","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138527572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ISRAEL LAW REVIEWPub Date : 2023-12-04DOI: 10.1017/s0021223723000249
Yoav Dotan
{"title":"Israel's Constitutional Moment","authors":"Yoav Dotan","doi":"10.1017/s0021223723000249","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021223723000249","url":null,"abstract":"As the result of the initiation of the ‘judicial reform’ in January 2023, and the huge wave of public protest, Israel is currently undergoing a political turmoil which may develop into a fully fledged constitutional crisis. In this article I provide an account of the roots and causes of the present crisis from a public law theory perspective. In particular, I discuss the relationship between constitutional and administrative law in Israeli law. I argue that the core of Israel's constitutional structure has always been the institutions of administrative law as created and developed during the ‘administrative revolution’ of the 1980s. In contrast, Israel's constitutional law has always been a peripheral in the core structure of judicial review over the political branches. Contrary to common wisdom, I argue that the ‘constitutional revolution’ of the mid-1990s has not changed this core structure, but rather provided an external belt of normative barricades for this core structure. Accordingly, and despite the pretentious constitutional discourse developed in the 1990s by the Court, Israel was and still is a monistic democracy with no true constitutional layer of norms that enjoys higher status vis-à-vis regular legislation.","PeriodicalId":44911,"journal":{"name":"ISRAEL LAW REVIEW","volume":"38 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138527573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ISRAEL LAW REVIEWPub Date : 2023-12-01Epub Date: 2023-05-17DOI: 10.1007/s12070-023-03876-1
Arpita Rai, Ansul Kumar, Priya Shree, Zeya Ul Haque, Sneha Kumari, Satyendra Prasad Yadav, Simpy Amit Mahuli, Shoa Shamsi
{"title":"Colchicine in the Management of Oral Submucous Fibrosis: A Systematic Review, Meta-analysis, and GRADE-Based Assessment of Certainty of Evidence.","authors":"Arpita Rai, Ansul Kumar, Priya Shree, Zeya Ul Haque, Sneha Kumari, Satyendra Prasad Yadav, Simpy Amit Mahuli, Shoa Shamsi","doi":"10.1007/s12070-023-03876-1","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s12070-023-03876-1","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p><b>Purpose</b>: To study the efficacy of Colchicine in the management of Oral Sub mucous Fibrosis (OSMF) through systematic review and meta-analysis. <b>Methods</b>:An extensive literature search was conducted on databases such as PubMed, Cochrane Library database, LILACS, Google Scholar, CTRI, and Google search engine. The search comprises all articles published from 2013 to 2022. A total of 10 randomized control trial studies involving colchicine as one of the interventions were included. [CRD42022377674] <b>Results</b>:10 randomized control comprising 456 subjects were included. 3 studies are included in the meta-analysis comprising 90 subjects. All three studies show that there are significant differences between colchicine and other intervention regarding mouth opening and burning sensation. It indicates that Colchicine is significantly more effective in the reduction of burning sensation than other interventions used as a control in OSMF. <b>Conclusion</b>: The evidence generated through this systemic review and meta-analysis suggest that the use of an oral form of colchicine is an effective measure in the management of OSMF, especially the subjective symptom such as burning sensation where as it is not found to be much effective in case of mouth opening. If colchicine is used as co drug along with conventional injection therapy better will the result. However there is marked diversity among the studies reviewed; therefore, the results of this review should be interpreted very carefully.</p>","PeriodicalId":44911,"journal":{"name":"ISRAEL LAW REVIEW","volume":"12 1","pages":"4125-4136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10646101/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78800283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}