MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS最新文献

{"title":"Guerra civil y génesis institucional: la Casa de Moneda de Guanajuato y su transición al México independiente, 1812–25","authors":"R. Castillo","doi":"10.1525/msem.2022.38.3.483","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.3.483","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:El artículo aborda la transición en la Casa de Moneda de Guanajuato de la Nueva España al México independiente. Presenta un estudio de las estrategias institucionales que permitieron a este centro de amonedación surgir, institucionalizarse y renovarse entre 1812 y 1825. El argumento central tiene dos partes. La primera enfatiza las circunstancias bélicas y políticas propias de la transición monetaria que desembocaron en la legalización de la casa de moneda. La segunda muestra que los primeros ensayos de gestión institucional de la casa de moneda –entre ellas el arrendamiento a una compañía extranjera– desembocaron en la renovación de la ceca sin un claro predominio de alguna de las partes involucradas. En diálogo con la historia económica se sostiene que el desgaste de la guerra de independencia incentivó iniciativas de institucionalización monetaria con facetas aún pendientes por estudiar.Abstract:This article focuses on the transition of the Guanajuato Mint from New Spain to independent Mexico. It proposes a study of the institutional strategies that allowed this minting center to emerge, become institutionalized, and renew itself between 1812 and 1825. The central argument has two parts. First, I emphasize the warlike and political circumstances of the monetary transition that led to the legalization of the mint. Second, I show that the first trials of institutional management of the mint, including the lease to a foreign company, led to the renewal of the mint, without a clear predominance of any of the parties involved. In dialogue with economic-history scholarship, the essay maintains that the wear and tear of the war of independence encouraged monetary institutionalization initiatives, aspects of which still need to be studied.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"38 1","pages":"483 - 508"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42732518","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Shifting Border, Changing Laws: The Executive Branch of Government and the Treaty of Extradition between Mexico and the United States, 1876–1911","authors":"David Adán Vázquez Valenzuela","doi":"10.1525/msem.2022.38.3.458","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.3.458","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article analyzes an important way in which the Porfirio Díaz government tried to empower the president to control Mexico’s northern border in the late 1870s. Just a few months after Díaz gained power, officers of the incoming administration attempted to gain exclusive authority for the Mexican executive over matters related to extradition requests. The president, Díaz’s allies argued, was responsible for the country’s foreign relations, and only he could decide on the surrender of fugitives to other nations. The article maintains that such claim aimed to build a legal apparatus that would strengthen the figure of the president to control what was then the key and problematic area of northern Tamaulipas. Furthermore, the article argues that the legal changes adopted regarding extradition matters contributed to shaping the early twentieth-century borderlands, although they failed to achieve their main objective. Thus, after the 1870s, the borderlands entered an unprecedented phase of transformation that, in many ways, revealed the inefficacy of the regime’s extradition policies.Abstract:Este artículo analiza una de las importantes formas en las que el Gobierno de Porfirio Díaz buscó fortalecer la figura del presidente para controlar la frontera norte de México en la parte tardía de la década de 1870. Pocos meses después de que Díaz tomó el poder, funcionarios de su administración intentaron otorgar autoridad exclusiva al poder ejecutivo para manejar las peticiones de extradición que llegaban desde Estados Unidos. El presidente, argumentaron, era el último responsable de las relaciones de su páıs con otras naciones y solo él podía decidir si se debía entregar a fugitivos a autoridades extranjeras. El artículo sostiene que tal argumento buscaba construir un aparato legal que fortaleciera la figura del presidente para controlar lo que entonces era la zona clave e inestable del norte de Tamaulipas. Más aún, el artículo argumenta que los cambios legales relativos a asuntos de extradición contribuyeron a la construcción social y política del área de la frontera, pero que en el largo plazo no alcanzaron su objetivo principal. A partir de la década de 1870, la zona experimentó una serie de transformaciones que de varias maneras mostraron la ineficacia de las políticas de extradición del régimen.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"38 1","pages":"458 - 482"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46388056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Fairwashing and Union Busting: The Privatization of Labor Standards in Mexico’s Agro-export Industry","authors":"James Daria","doi":"10.1525/msem.2022.38.3.379","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.3.379","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:While Mexico’s agricultural exports have rapidly expanded over the past two decades, a strike by farmworkers in San Quintín, Baja California, in 2015 drew attention to the labor problems and workers’ demands in the industry. In response, foreign agribusiness corporations implemented private labor standards through fair-trade labels to address these problems in their global produce supply chains. Based on ethnographic research, I argue that these private standards fail to improve farmworkers’ labor conditions and instead serve to “fairwash” fresh produce and to prevent union organizing even when rights under Mexican law are violated. While fair-trade programs provide little empowerment to agricultural workers, I document how farmworkers have developed alternative visions of food justice through independent labor organizing.Abstract:Si bien las exportaciones agrícolas de México han aumentado considerablemente en las últimas dos décadas, una huelga de jornaleros agrícolas en San Quintín, Baja California, en 2015 llamó la atención sobre los problemas laborales que prevalecen en esta industria y los reclamos de los trabajadores/as. En respuesta a esta huelga, las corporaciones agroindustriales extranjeras implementaron estándares laborales privados por medio del uso de etiquetas de “comercio justo” para abordar los problemas en sus cadenas globales de suministro de productos agrícolas. En base a trabajo etnográfico, en este artículo demuestro que estos estándares privados no han logrado mejorar las condiciones laborales en este sector, sino que sirven para “lavar” la imagen pública de los productos agrícolas de la región y para prevenir la organización sindical al tiempo que se violan los derechos laborales de la ley mexicana. Si bien los programas de comercio justo no se traducen en empoderamiento de los jornaleros agrícolas, estos trabajadores han desarrollado visiones alternativas de justicia alimentaria a través de la organización laboral.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"38 1","pages":"379 - 405"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41722016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Internal Migration to Yucatán, Mexico: Moving for Security","authors":"S. Mattiace, T. Nonnenmacher","doi":"10.1525/msem.2022.38.3.406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.3.406","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Between 2000 and 2020, over one-third of the population increase of Yucatán’s capital city, Mérida, was due to the increase in the population born in another state in Mexico. Compared to the rest of Mexico and to Yucatán’s historical patterns, the growth in the out-of-state population during this time period has been unusual and dramatic. We focus on one explanation for this growth: the increase in criminal violence and insecurity in the rest of Mexico that has made Yucatán an attractive destination for Mexicans seeking safe spaces to work, raise their families, and retire. Migration-policy specialists, the media, and scholars often focus their attention on Internally Displaced Peoples (IDPs), who are forcibly displaced from their homes in contexts of generalized violence. Although migrants to Yucatán cite security concerns more than migrants to any other state, few come from states in which IDPs have been documented. We broadly define migrants seeking safety from criminal insecurity and violence as security migrants and argue that using this broader definition describes migrants to Yucatán more accurately than IDPs.Abstract:Entre 2000 y 2020, más de un tercio del aumento de la población de Mérida – la capital de Yucatán– se debió al aumento de la población nacida en otro estado de México. Comparado con el resto de México y con los patrones históricos de Yucatán, el crecimiento de la población fuera del estado durante este período ha sido inusual y dramático. En este artículo nos enfocamos en una explicación de este crecimiento: el aumento de la violencia criminal y la inseguridad en el resto del páıs que ha convertido a Yucatán en un destino atractivo para los mexicanos que buscan espacios seguros para trabajar, criar a sus familias y jubilarse. Los especialistas en políticas migratorias, los medios de comunicación y los académicos a menudo centran su atención en los desplazados internos, aquellas personas que son desplazadas por la fuerza de sus hogares en contextos de violencia generalizada. Aunque los migrantes a Yucatán citan preocupaciones de seguridad con más frecuencia que los migrantes a cualquier otro estado, pocos provienen de estados en los que se han documentado desplazados internos. Nos referimos a los migrantes que buscan protección frente a la inseguridad criminal y la violencia como migrantes de seguridad, y sostenemos que el uso de esta definición más amplia describe a los migrantes a Yucatán con mayor precisión que a desplazados internos.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"38 1","pages":"406 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41900646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Caravana migrante y adolescencia no acompañada: resistencia y autonomía","authors":"A. Hernández, María Dolores París Pombo","doi":"10.1525/msem.2022.38.3.434","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.3.434","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:El artículo analiza la participación de adolescentes centroamericanos no acompañados en las caravanas que atravesaron México en 2018. El objetivo es comprender la relación entre la manera en que se autoperciben, sus condiciones estructurales marcadas por la violencia y la pobreza, y las caravanas como vehículo para la movilidad. Para ello, nos ubicamos en los estudios de la adolescencia desde la perspectiva de la agencia. Nuestro análisis se fundamenta conceptualmente en la autonomía de las migraciones, el derecho de fuga y la estructura espacial de oportunidades. Los resultados que presentamos evidencian que la participación de los adolescentes en las caravanas obedece tanto al resquebrajamiento económico y a la fractura del tejido social en sus lugares de origen como a su autoconstrucción como actores sociales, lo que les permite desafiar dichas condicionantes, pensarse desde resistencia y valerse de las caravanas como un instrumento de fuga.Abstract:This article analyzes the participation of unaccompanied Central American adolescents in the caravans that crossed Mexico in 2018. The objective is to understand the relationship between the way they perceive themselves, their structural conditions marked by violence and poverty, and the caravans as a vehicle for mobility. Our analysis contributes to adolescence studies through the perspective of migrants’ agency, borrowing from the theoretical concepts of the autonomy of migrations, the right to escape, and the spatial opportunity structure. The study shows that the participation of adolescents in the caravans is due as much to the economic breakdown and the fracture of the social fabric in their places of origin as to their self-construction as social actors. Combined, this allows them to challenge such structural factors, think themselves as agents of resistance, and use the caravans as an instrument for escaping.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"38 1","pages":"434 - 457"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45482086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Modeling the Urban Commune: Collective Housing, Utopian Architecture, and Social Reproduction in the Mexican 1930s","authors":"Alfonso Fierro","doi":"10.1525/msem.2022.38.2.272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.2.272","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article discusses a utopian architecture project presented by the Unión de Arquitectos Socialistas (UAS) in 1938 titled Proyecto de ciudad obrera para México DF. The UAS architects designed a city for industrial workers organized around cooperative principles and common property. The article situates the project in the period's broader discussions on social housing and the industrializing political program of President Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–40). Drawing on social-reproduction theorists, I analyze the project's political and architectural position, as well as the potentials and limits of its proposal to collectivize social-reproduction responsibilities that were normally placed on the family, such as cleaning, cooking, and childcare. Finally, the article charts the project's later influence in social-housing debates and experiments in Mexico.Abstract:Este artículo analiza un proyecto utópico de arquitectura presentado por la Unión de Arquitectos Socialistas (UAS) en 1938 llamado Proyecto de ciudad obrera para México DF. Los arquitectos de la UAS diseñaron una ciudad para trabajadores industriales organizada alrededor de principios cooperativos y propiedad común. El artículo sitúa el proyecto en los debates del periodo sobre vivienda social y en el contexto del programa político industrializador del presidente Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–40). En diálogo con teorías de la reproducción social, se analiza la postura política y arquitectónica del proyecto, así como el potencial y los límites de su propuesta para colectivizar responsabilidades reproductivas que normalmente recaían en la familia, como limpiar, cocinar y cuidar niños. Finalmente, el artículo traza la influencia posterior del proyecto en los debates y experimentos de vivienda social en México.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"18 1","pages":"272 - 299"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83701114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Desaparición forzada y estigmatización comunitaria: Movilización y solidaridad alrededor del caso Ayotzinapa (2014–2019)","authors":"L. A. Cabrera","doi":"10.1525/msem.2022.38.2.300","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.2.300","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Este artículo analiza procesos de movilización social y otras respuestas comunitarias ocurridas entre 2014 y 2019 frente a la desaparición de los cuarenta y tres normalistas de Ayotzinapa en Atoyac de Alvarez (Guerrero), un municipio marcado por desapariciones forzadas durante los años setenta y lugar de origen de cuatro normalistas desaparecidos. El artículo se apoya en la literatura sobre reestructuraciones comunitarias producto de violencias extremas y las consecuencias de la desaparición sobre las subjetividades. Desde esta perspectiva, adopto un enfoque microsociológico e histórico para analizar la solidaridad comunitaria alrededor de familiares de los cuatro normalistas de este municipio desaparecidos en 2014. Argumento que las desapariciones pasadas conllevan efectos comunitarios transgeneracionales como la estigmatización del parentesco y configuran criterios de filiación que condicionan la capacidad de movilización frente a nuevas desapariciones. El estudio aporta nuevos elementos a este campo de estudio en un país que actualmente tiene aproximadamente cien mil personas desaparecidas.Abstract:This article analyzes community responses and social mobilization that occurred between 2014 and 2019 in response to the forced disappearance of forty-three student teachers from Ayotzinapa in Atoyac de Álvarez (Guerrero), a municipality deeply affected by forced disappearances in the 1970s and the birthplace of four of the forty-three students. The article dialogues with literature on community restructurings that result from extreme violence and with studies that analyze the psychosocial effects of forced disappearances on individuals. From this perspective, I use a microsociological and historical perspective to discuss the development of community solidarity around the families of the four students who disappeared in 2014. I argue that past disappearances have transgenerational effects on a community, such as kinship stigmatization, and configure criteria of familial relationships that affect the ability to mobilize in response to new disappearances. The study contributes new knowledge to this field of study in a country that now has around one hundred thousand people who have disappeared.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"275 1","pages":"300 - 330"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83244128","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"La Comuna en México: Disputa entre liberales moderados y republicanos demócratas a partir de la experiencia revolucionaria parisina","authors":"Lara Campos Pérez","doi":"10.1525/msem.2022.38.2.215","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.2.215","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Este artículo analiza el debate político que se desarrolló en México en el verano de 1871 originado en los sucesos de la Comuna de París ocurrida ese mismo año. En el debate tomaron parte representantes de dos segmentos del arco ideológico: liberales, sobre todo en su ala moderada, y un grupo de demócratas republicanos partidarios del federalismo y del autogobierno. Discuto la forma en que ambos segmentos de la opinión pública construyeron sus discursos y esbozaron sus respectivos modelos republicanos, utilizando la Comuna parisina como espejo de sus reflexiones y como marco para la definición de sus posturas. Desde un enfoque de la historia de las ideas políticas, el artículo busca mostrar la riqueza y complejidad del pensamiento político mexicano durante este periodo.Abstract:This article analyzes the political debate that originated in the events of the Paris Commune and took place in Mexico during the summer of 1871. Representatives of two segments of the political spectrum took part in that debate: liberals, especially its moderate wing, and a group of democratic republicans, supporters of federalism and self-government. I discuss the way in which both segments of public opinion constructed their speeches and outlined their republican models, using the Paris Commune as a reference point for their political reflections and as a framework for the definition of their positions. The article is based on an approach to the history of political ideas that seeks to show the richness and complexity of Mexican political thought during that period.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"25 1","pages":"215 - 239"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72513421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Juárez y Zapata en el imaginario nacionalista mexicano","authors":"Rebeca Villalobos Álvarez","doi":"10.1525/msem.2022.38.2.240","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.2.240","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Este artículo compara la heroización postuma de dos personajes históricos mexicanos: Benito Juárez y Emiliano Zapata. El objetivo principal es problematizar el vínculo entre idearios políticos y sensibilidades estéticas mediante el análisis de las cualidades de ambos héroes en la cultura nacionalista mexicana. Se revisa la presencia de estos personajes en el arte, los libros de texto y el discurso político para ponderar su importancia en la construcción del nacionalismo hegemónico, así como de algunas identidades periféricas. El estudio busca contribuir a un mejor entendimiento del nacionalismo mexicano del siglo XX desde la perspectiva de la historia cultural y los estudios sobre la memoria.Abstract:This article compares the posthumous heroization of two historical Mexican figures: Benito Juárez and Emiliano Zapata. The main goal is to problematize the link between political ideologies and esthetic sensibilities by analyzing the qualities of both heroes in Mexican nationalist culture. The presence of these two figures in art, textbooks, and political discourse is reviewed in order to assess these heroes' importance in the construction of both hegemonic nationalism and some peripheral identities. The study seeks to contribute to a better understanding of Mexican nationalism in the twentieth century from the perspective of cultural history and memory studies.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"38 1","pages":"240 - 271"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47899840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Editor's Comment 38, no. 2","authors":"Christian Zlolniski","doi":"10.1525/msem.2022.38.2.209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.2.209","url":null,"abstract":"Welcome to our second issue of 2022. On behalf of the editorial committee of MS/EM, I am glad to announce the award for best article by an early career scholar published in 2020–21. This award seeks to recognize contributions of the highest academic quality in the multidisciplinary field of Mexican studies for the originality of their topics, theoretical perspectives, and/or methodological strategies. In addition to the one award for best article, one honorable mention is also recognized. Early career scholars who have obtained a doctorate within the last five years and published an article in MS/EM during 2020–21 were eligible. The first place was awarded to Marjolein Van Bavel for her article “Morbo, lucha libre, and Television: The Ban of Women Wrestlers from Mexico City in the 1950s.” The committee selected Van Bavel’s article as the winning entry due to the originality of the topic, rigorous bibliography, and incorporation of multiple research methods, such as oral history and analysis of print culture. The article addresses the history of sport, media history, demographic shifts, and the history of Mexico City to explain how luchadoras emerged and the reasons why they were perceived to challenge dominant attitudes regarding proper masculinity, femininity, and entertainment fit for family consumption. You can read this article for free online. The honorable mention went to José Ignacio Lanzagorta Garćıa for his article “La conquista de la Glorieta de Insurgentes de la Ciudad de México: lo abyecto en los procesos de gentrificación.” The committee pointed out the author’s skillful presentation of the Glorieta de Insurgentes roundabaout as a meaningful space in which classed and gendered sociabilities are negotiated vis-à-vis dominant business and political interests. The article also shows a bifurcation between forms of LGBTQþ sociabilities that are perceived as acceptable and decent, and those that are treated as abject—a frame that currently determines the dominant discourse on this public space.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"38 1","pages":"209 - 214"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43519563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}