{"title":"Border Water: The Politics of U.S. –Mexico Transboundary Water Management, 1945–2015 by Stephen Paul Mumme (review)","authors":"Alicia M. Dewey","doi":"10.1353/swh.2023.a907806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2023.a907806","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Border Water: The Politics of U.S. –Mexico Transboundary Water Management, 1945–2015 by Stephen Paul Mumme Alicia M. Dewey Border Water: The Politics of U.S. –Mexico Transboundary Water Management, 1945–2015. By Stephen Paul Mumme. (Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 2023. Pp. 432. Notes, bibliography, index.) In Border Water, Stephen Paul Mumme, professor of political science at Colorado State University, has produced the first comprehensive study of water management and diplomacy along the U.S.–Mexico border in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The book explores the context, historical development, and implementation of the 1944 U.S.–Mexico Treaty on the Utilization of the Waters of the Colorado, the Tijuana, and the Rio Grande (the 1944 Treaty). It also details the operation of the International Water and Boundary Commission (IWBC) and the involvement of other organizations in a variety of water issues along the border, especially those relating to sanitation and river ecology. The book traces the evolution of border water politics \"from a relatively closed system of reclamation-driven policies and stakeholders\" designed to spur agricultural expansion to a system with a variety of goals, participants, and practices, including a focus on sanitation, provision of municipal water, and maintenance of ecological health in the region (5). Mumme argues that the story of developing and negotiating allocation of border water since 1945 has been \"an epic tussle\" between the United States and Mexico over perhaps the most crucial natural resource in some of the most arid lands in North America (4). Throughout the book, Mumme pays attention to international and domestic [End Page 239] politics in both countries as well as social movements, such as the late nineteenth-century irrigation movement in the United States and various environmental movements later in the twentieth century, which have influenced water diplomacy and management. Notably, he found that the countries have generally not viewed the border as an integrated watershed but rather have focused on their own national interests and thus negotiated from that standpoint. This has been somewhat problematic for Mexico due to that country's weaker political and economic position vis á vis its more powerful northern neighbor, but Mumme points out that the existence of \"downstream dependencies\" in both countries (especially Mexico on the Colorado and the U.S. on the Rio Grande) have given Mexico more leverage in negotiating over water allocation (11). Politics within each country have influenced and sometimes complicated water diplomacy. Mexico's approach to water management is highly centralized within the federal government, with most authority vested in the Comisión Nacional de Agua. By contrast, water management in the United States is decentralized, with overlapping and shared jurisdiction among local irrigation districts, municipalities, states, and federal agencies lik","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"90 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135368286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Eating Up Route 66: Foodways on America's Mother Road by T. Lindsay Baker (review)","authors":"Peter B. Dedek","doi":"10.1353/swh.2023.a907799","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2023.a907799","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Eating Up Route 66: Foodways on America's Mother Road by T. Lindsay Baker Peter B. Dedek Eating Up Route 66: Foodways on America's Mother Road. By T. Lindsay Baker. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2022. Pp. 409. Notes, indexes, illustrations, recipes.) Readers may know author T. Lindsay Baker from his several books on the material culture of Texas. Eating Up Route 66: Foodways on America's Mother Road, finds him exploring territory well beyond the Lone Star State. In its introduction, Eating Up Route 66 provides a brief description of the development of twentieth-century American highways and Route 66 and gives a cursory history of American roadside food from the 1920s to the 1950s. What follows are commentaries on each state Route 66 passed through (Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Oklahoma, Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and California) and an extensive collection of detailed histories and descriptions of individual historic restaurants, cafes, fast food joints, and the like that existed along the entire route during its period as an official U.S. highway from 1926 to 1985 (Route 66 was gradually replaced by interstate highways from the 1960s to the 1980s). The book is arranged geographically from east to west, from Chicago to Los Angeles, and includes a number of recipes from historic Route 66 eateries. Although the author clearly did a tremendous amount of research to write this book, it offers limited insights. The histories of American roadside food and Route 66 in the introduction are too abbreviated, and the many descriptions of individual eateries, while interesting, do not come together to support any overall focus or themes. For these reasons, it is difficult to understand the book's intended audience. Is it a history of foodways? The title indicates a focus on the history of food served on Route 66, however, the book tells the reader too little about American twentieth-century food and provides no historical argument or theoretical framework. There is a rich academic body of literature concerning the history of food and foodways, which the author appears not have consulted in depth. Is it a history of Route 66? It is not clear why the author chose Route 66 to begin with and did not just write a history about the food served on all major U.S. highways. We are never told whether the food on Route 66 was significantly different than the food found on other long distance U.S. highways such as U.S. 30, U.S. 40 or U.S. 90 during the same period. [End Page 229] Route 66 went through areas with distinct regional cuisines, but so did the other highways. Baker tells us that the fast-food chain Steak 'n Shake started on Route 66, but this is one of very few examples of a business or type of food cited in the book as being particularly linked to U.S. 66. Is it a guidebook of Route 66? The book is arranged like a guidebook; however, it does not include the directions required to function as one, and many of the landmarks described with","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135368281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"In Defense of My People by Alonso S. Perales (review)","authors":"Jonathan Cortez","doi":"10.1353/swh.2023.a907804","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2023.a907804","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: In Defense of My People by Alonso S. Perales Jonathan Cortez In Defense of My People. By Alonso S. Perales. Edited and English translated by Emilio Zamora. (Houston: Arte Público Press, University of Houston, 2021. Pp. 350.) Alonso S. Perales was one of the foremost thinkers and forces of Mexican American civil rights in the United States in the twentieth century. His two-volume collection of documents entitled En Defensa de Mi Raza, published in 1936 and 1937, respectively, features his Spanish writings as he struggled to make clear to his community of ethnic Mexicans in Texas and government officials that U.S. citizens of Mexican descent deserved humanity, dignity, and respect. Perales penned his first entry on May 15, 1923, when he wrote to the editor of the Washington Post urging the removal of a review about a western satirical comedy entitled The Bad Man arguing that \"such exhibitions tend to create the wrong impression that all Mexicans are bandits\" (17). Perales proceeded to highlight the number of Black and Brown people lynched in the United States at the hands of White law enforcement and vigilantes as a rhetorical device, and he asked, \"Suppose that Mexicans . . . would represent you in their theaters as the typical 'Daring American Bank Robber' or 'The American Lyncher.' Would this not make your blood boil\" (18)? Employing the same vigor with which Ida B. Wells authored \"Lynching, Our National Crime\" in 1909, Perales held up a mirror to American history. Now, one hundred years later, the mirror has resurfaced in the form of the English translation of Perales's work by Dr. Emilio Zamora. As part of the Recovering the U.S. Hispanic Literary Heritage project, In Defense of My people was published by Arte Público Press in 2021 and offers new opportunities and possibilities for Perales's work. The articles, letters, and speeches that make up the two volumes in Spanish have been condensed into one book and updated with a new introduction by Zamora. Alonso S. Perales wrote predominantly in Spanish. However, English held dominance in the United States over Spanish in the early twentieth century. A 1918 \"English-Only\" statute in Texas, for instance, made it a misdemeanor for any teacher or administrator to use a language other than English in school or to prescribe textbooks not printed in the English language. The law remained active until 1968. Zamora's translation itself maintains the message, rhythm, and passion of Perales's words. Especially when it comes to Perales's South Texas colloquialisms, Zamora's own upbringing allows for a deep understanding of nuance. Zamora's English translation revitalizes Perales's work and expands the possibilities for its inclusion in K–12 and university classrooms. Envision an assignment where each student uses one issue that Perales wrote about as an entry point into a research project about Mexican American civil rights; or perhaps a teacher could bring together the original Spanish publicat","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135368283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Wide-Open Desert: A Queer History of New Mexico by Jordan Biro Walters (review)","authors":"Wesley G. Phelps","doi":"10.1353/swh.2023.a907800","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2023.a907800","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Wide-Open Desert: A Queer History of New Mexico by Jordan Biro Walters Wesley G. Phelps Wide-Open Desert: A Queer History of New Mexico. By Jordan Biro Walters. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2023. Pp. 286. Notes, index.) Does New Mexico have a queer history? And if so, what can it tell us about both New Mexico history and U.S. queer history more broadly? In Wide-Open Desert, historian Jordan Biro Walters offers intriguing answers to these questions through a remarkable and important exploration of the Land of Enchantment's queer past. Expertly combining political and cultural history, Biro Walters argues that queer cultural production laid the groundwork for civil rights activism in the state. Centering the voices of Pueblo, Navajo, Neuvomexicanx, and White LGBTQ people, the book offers significant new insights into the role that cultural activism has played in the struggle for queer equality and should become required reading for anyone interested in U.S. queer history. Wide-Open Desert begins at the end of World War I when Taos and Santa Fe began their journeys to becoming internationally recognized artist communities. During the following two decades, queer artists put down roots in these locales and created an environment of sexual freedom. At the same time, new migrants often forced their own gender and sexual [End Page 230] ideologies on people native to those places, an imperialist project that many Indigenous residents resisted. In 1929, queer artist communities and their allies began an unsuccessful battle against a censorship provision included in the proposed Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act that prohibited sexually explicit material from entering the country. Although Congress included a modified version of the provision in the final bill, cultural activists were able to develop an ideology of sexual privacy that would prove useful in subsequent battles. The national security state created during World War II, much of which was physically located in New Mexico because of the Manhattan Project, disrupted many of the queer communities that had formed since 1920. An ideology of sexual privacy, which emphasized personal agency in choosing what to keep to oneself and what to make public, quickly gave way to an ideology of secrecy, which mandated that queer individuals stay in the closet to avoid severe consequences. The new secrecy regime of the war years, which extended into the Cold War period, forced New Mexico's queer culture underground and weakened whatever political clout it had established. The consequences were immediate as queer communities, weakened by the imposition of a heteronormative brand of citizenship, failed to persuade the New Mexico legislature to repeal its discriminatory sodomy statute in 1963. Yet queer migration to New Mexico continued through the 1960s, and by the end of the decade these new migrants had established strong queer communities all over the state in both urban and rural areas. The 1970","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135368279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Race and Recreation in East Texas: A History of Huntsville's Municipal Swimming Pool and Emancipation Park","authors":"Jeffrey L. Littlejohn, Charles H. Ford","doi":"10.1353/swh.2023.a907795","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2023.a907795","url":null,"abstract":"Race and Recreation in East Texas:A History of Huntsville's Municipal Swimming Pool and Emancipation Park Jeffrey L. Littlejohn (bio) and Charles H. Ford (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution Female swimmer in a one-piece suit at Huntsville's Municipal Pool, c. 1950, from the I. J. Walden Collection. Courtesy of the Walker County Historical Commission. [End Page 144] After six years of planning and construction, the residents of Huntsville, Texas, celebrated the opening of their new municipal swimming pool on May 18, 1939. At 7:30 that evening, local officials sponsored a grand party to commemorate the occasion. The Huntsville High School Band presented a thirty-minute concert, and Mayor Robert C. Stiernberg welcomed families to the new facility. Then, the city's swimming pool committee offered a brief recitation of its efforts before a group of young men from Sam Houston State Teachers College put on a stunt show.1 The scouts followed next with their own pool exercises for boys and girls. Finally, the night's main attraction took place: a \"mammoth bathing revue . . . sponsored by all the civic and service clubs in Huntsville.\" As was common at the time, a \"bevy of the best-looking girls\" in town were requested to strut their stuff in bathing suits to \"compete for the honor of being named 'Miss Huntsville.'\" Wanda Grogan, a freshman at Sam Houston State Teachers College, defeated thirteen other [End Page 145] entrants in the contest, winning the title \"Miss Huntsville\" and the right to represent the city at the Tomato Festival in Jacksonville, Texas, that June.2 Huntsville's new pool proved to be incredibly popular. Open daily from 7:00 to 9:00 a.m. and 3:00 to 10:00 p.m., it offered affordable entertainment in a relaxing environment. Adult tickets cost just twenty-five cents, while children under twelve years of age were admitted for ten cents. In addition, local adults who intended on swimming regularly could buy a season ticket for $7.50. College students paid only $5.00, and high school students paid just $3.75. Within the first week alone, the Huntsville Item reported, \"nearly 2,000 [people] . . . paid admission fees.\" Helen Bowden, the city council's appointed property manager, said that \"attendance ha[d] increased each day,\" and that \"many of the swimmers ha[d] come from other cities in the area.\"3 This last statement proved remarkably revealing. Although White residents from Trinity, New Waverly, Willis, and other nearby towns could travel to Huntsville and swim in the city's new pool, local African Americans, who made up 25 percent of Huntsville's population, were barred from enjoying the new facility.4 Racial protocols established by White Texans required that men and women of different races be separated in public spaces such as pools, movie theaters, train cars, and restaurants. Although the state of Texas had no specific law requiring segregation of swimming pools, White officials applied a 1915 statute to the new form of ","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135368284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Personal Reminiscence of Bob Bullock","authors":"Claudia DeLaughter Stravato","doi":"10.1353/swh.2023.a907794","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2023.a907794","url":null,"abstract":"A Personal Reminiscence of Bob Bullock Claudia DeLaughter Stravato (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution [End Page 138] He's been called a character, a maverick, a liberal, a conservative, an incredibly charitable man, a cruel man, a man's man, a woman's man, a hard ass, a crack shot, a compassionate man, a softie, a difficult man, a drunk, a visionary, a crude man, a politically incorrect man, the most politically savvy man Texas ever produced, and a man who believed in fundamental fairness. He was all these things and more, and everyone knew not to mess with him. Thank you for inviting me to speak at your President's Dinner here in El Paso. I'm from Amarillo, the windiest city anywhere, according to Wikipedia. I am honored to speak before this august organization, established in 1897—before Amarillo was chartered as a city in 1914! The Texas State Historical Association (TSHA) is critical to Texas history because of its critically acclaimed Texas publications, like the Texas Almanac and the Handbook of Texas, which gather, maintain, and preserve information and legends that make Texas extraordinary. I had the great privilege of working for Bob Bullock for twenty-five years, serving as a regional field manager, deputy comptroller, coordinator of his campaign for lieutenant governor, transition coordinator to the office of lieutenant governor when he won, and his chief of staff when he took office. Your outgoing president, Lance Lolley, also had the privilege of working for Bullock, as he was called by everyone, when he was a student, and he never forgot it. He asked me to \"tell it like it was\" about Bullock. I can't do that, but I can certainly tell you more than you knew before. [End Page 139] When Lance worked for Bullock, he was a \"must hire,\" who, as he says, \"fetched\" a lot of cigarettes and Crown Royal whisky for Bullock. I too, was a \"must hire.\" Being a \"must hire\" meant you knew someone who was in good stead with Bullock. As you may or may not know, Texas does not have a civil service system, so elected officials and state officials can hire anyone they wish. Bullock hired friends, friends of friends, and children of friends. I was hired because my husband was a friend of Bullock's speechwriter. At the time I was hired by Bullock, I was president of the Amarillo Republican Women's Club. A few days after I started working at the comptroller's office in Amarillo, I received a call from Bullock himself. He said, \"I hired you because Glen [Castlebury] asked me to, but if I catch you making a single call on my phones for Republicans, I'll fire your ass!\" He knew everything about everyone who worked for him, and he used it. Thank God I had a master's degree in government and had a lot of experience running nonprofits. He defined his philosophy about hiring \"friends\" this way: \"Why would I hire someone who simply made a passing grade on a test, but who might turn out not be loyal to me and my goals?\" I hire friends because they will","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135368275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"\"We the Ladies\": Collective Petitioning by Women in Antebellum and Civil War Texas","authors":"Daniel Hale","doi":"10.1353/swh.2023.a907797","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2023.a907797","url":null,"abstract":"\"We the Ladies\":Collective Petitioning by Women in Antebellum and Civil War Texas Daniel Hale (bio) On June 20, 1862, Colonel Thomas Carothers, the superintendent of the Texas State Penitentiary, was visited by an apparently tearful Frederika Riebeling, who successfully urged him to change his mind and follow the example of his two predecessors in supporting her campaign to secure a pardon for her husband, Charles. Frederika had been pardoned from the penitentiary a few years earlier for the same crime as her husband. Her release had been secured, in part, by a collective petitioning campaign by women of the Texas social elite. Frederika Riebeling subsequently gained the support of some of the most influential Texan men for the clemency application on behalf of Charles, including former governor Sam Houston. Thomas Carothers explained his volte-face in a letter to Governor Lubbock as a chivalrous response to Mrs. Riebeling's distress. The case of Frederika and Charles Riebeling provides a vantage point from which to explore the role of women in petitioning for clemency in early statehood Texas, revealing new insights into collective campaigning by women from the social elite in the antebellum South. This article will show that some women in antebellum Texas, enabled by their social standing, did engage in collective petitioning on certain public matters and that their ability to intervene in that sphere might not have been so limited as formerly believed. Its argument is derived from wider research on the discourse employed in petitions for executive clemency sent to the governors of Texas during the period of early [End Page 199] statehood and the Civil War. Central to this research were the petitions made on behalf of people convicted of offenses against the criminal code of Texas, and this study explores the language employed by petitioners in their clemency applications to provide new perspectives on Texas and its development as a society during this period.1 A robust culture of petitioning existed among Texan men during early statehood and large numbers could be mobilized to sign a clemency petition.2 While the citizens who organized petition campaigns were often members of the state's professional or farming elite, their fellow petitioners were drawn from all strata of society. In some cases, they sought clemency for an errant scion of an elite family, but oftentimes the object of their compassion was a poor laboring man, a widow, and even a slave. Some petitioners sought clemency out of blatant self-interest (for example, the planter seeking the return of his convicted slave \"property\"), but often, their words evinced a simple human compassion and the desire to establish a just and civilized society on a new frontier.3 The deployment of petitions and the language of clemency texts in the frontier state of Texas reveals that attitudes to the rule of law differed in some respects from those in more easterly states, such as described by Laura","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"80 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135368280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"La República de Texas (1836–1845): Escisión y anexión by Jaime Cárdenas Gracia (review)","authors":"Jesús F. de la Teja","doi":"10.1353/swh.2023.a907802","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2023.a907802","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: La República de Texas (1836–1845): Escisión y anexión by Jaime Cárdenas Gracia Jesús F. de la Teja Jaime Cárdenas Gracia, La República de Texas (1836–1845): Escisión y anexión (Mexico: Universidad Autónoma de México, 2022. Pp. Xii, 214. Notes, bibliography.) As the author of this book on the Texas republic era informs us various times, Mexican scholars have shown only limited interest in Texas history, mostly in connection to the two issues noted in the book's subtitle: excision and annexation. As a legal scholar, Cárdenas takes a distinct approach, and he gamely attempts to tell the story of the Republic, particularly in juridical terms. The resulting work in the end continues the very tradition of Mexican scholarship on Texas that he critiques; yet, it does so in an updated way that takes into consideration the direction in which recent Texas historiography of the period has been headed while not engaging it as thoroughly as possible. Perhaps because he is a legal scholar, Cárdenas attempts to present the story of Texas's separation from Mexico and eventual annexation to the United States within the broad framework of the law of nations. The first chapter presents the argument that under today's international legal framework, the movement of Texas from Mexican sovereignty to United States acquisition would be illegal. Crimea, Scotland, and Catalonia are used as examples of how the modern system works. In contrast, what happened with Texas falls under the tradition prevailing in the early nineteenth century that recognition merely required three elements: population, territory, and government. His bottom line is that what happened with Texas was a case of \"might makes right.\" Mexico certainly made its share of mistakes, but these did not rise to the level of deserving to have its territory dismembered, as eventually came to pass following the Mexican War. There follow chapters on the Constitution of 1836, what the author calls the \"years of the Republic,\" and on the annexation process. None of these offer much that is not well known to a Texas audience, although they would fill in a great deal of detail for a Mexican audience unfamiliar [End Page 233] with how the Texas constitution diverged from that of the United States. That audience will also benefit from understanding that the differences between Texas presidents Sam Houston and Mirabeau Lamar were substantial and impactful on both relations with Mexico and the annexation process. The book ends with a chapter on slavery, the major conclusion of which follows the recent trend of rejecting the traditional view that the peculiar institution was not a direct cause of the Revolution. To the contrary, following in the steps of Andrew Torget (whom he does not cite) and Alice Baumgartner (whom he does), the author concludes that slavery was not only the most important factor in bringing about the Texas revolt, given the growing antipathy of Mexico's political classes with the instituti","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135368285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Multicenter Phase II Trial of Lenvatinib plus Hepatic Intra-Arterial Infusion Chemotherapy with Cisplatin for Advanced Hepatocellular Carcinoma: LEOPARD.","authors":"Masafumi Ikeda, Tatsuya Yamashita, Sadahisa Ogasawara, Masatoshi Kudo, Yoshitaka Inaba, Manabu Morimoto, Kaoru Tsuchiya, Satoshi Shimizu, Yasushi Kojima, Atsushi Hiraoka, Kazuhiro Nouso, Hiroshi Aikata, Kazushi Numata, Tosiya Sato, Takuji Okusaka, Junji Furuse","doi":"10.1159/000531820","DOIUrl":"10.1159/000531820","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Introduction: </strong>Hepatic arterial infusion chemotherapy (HAIC) with cisplatin and lenvatinib exhibits strong antitumor effects against advanced hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC). Higher antitumor activity is expected for the combination treatment. The aim of this trial was to evaluate the efficacy and safety of lenvatinib in combination with HAIC using cisplatin in patients with advanced HCC.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>In this multicenter, open-labeled, single-arm, phase II trial, patients with advanced HCC categorized as Child-Pugh class A with no prior history of systemic therapy were enrolled. Patients received lenvatinib plus HAIC with cisplatin (lenvatinib: 12 mg once daily for patients ≥60 kg, 8 mg once daily for patients <60 kg; HAIC with cisplatin: 65 mg/m<sup>2</sup>, day 1, every 4-6 weeks, maximum of six cycles). The primary endpoint was the objective response rate (ORR) assessed using modified RECIST by the Independent Review Committee. The secondary endpoints were the ORR assessed using RECIST v1.1, progression-free survival, overall survival, and frequency of adverse events associated with the treatment.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>A total of 36 patients were enrolled between September 2018 and March 2020. In the 34 evaluable patients, the ORR assessed by the Independent Review Committee using modified RECIST and RECIST v1.1 were 64.7% (95% confidence interval [CI]: 46.5-80.3%) and 45.7% (95% CI: 28.8-63.4%), respectively. The median progression-free survival and overall survival were 6.3 months (95% CI: 5.1-7.9 months) and 17.2 months (95% CI: 10.9 - not available, months), respectively. The main grade 3-4 adverse events were increased aspartate aminotransferase (34%), leukopenia (22%), increased alanine aminotransferase (19%), and hypertension (11%).</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>Lenvatinib plus HAIC with cisplatin yielded a favorable ORR and overall survival and was well tolerated in patients with advanced HCC. Further evaluation of this regimen in a phase III trial is warranted.</p>","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"112 1","pages":"193-202"},"PeriodicalIF":13.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11095614/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89085885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}