"We the Ladies": Collective Petitioning by Women in Antebellum and Civil War Texas

IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
Daniel Hale
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Frederika Riebeling subsequently gained the support of some of the most influential Texan men for the clemency application on behalf of Charles, including former governor Sam Houston. Thomas Carothers explained his volte-face in a letter to Governor Lubbock as a chivalrous response to Mrs. Riebeling's distress. The case of Frederika and Charles Riebeling provides a vantage point from which to explore the role of women in petitioning for clemency in early statehood Texas, revealing new insights into collective campaigning by women from the social elite in the antebellum South. This article will show that some women in antebellum Texas, enabled by their social standing, did engage in collective petitioning on certain public matters and that their ability to intervene in that sphere might not have been so limited as formerly believed. Its argument is derived from wider research on the discourse employed in petitions for executive clemency sent to the governors of Texas during the period of early [End Page 199] statehood and the Civil War. Central to this research were the petitions made on behalf of people convicted of offenses against the criminal code of Texas, and this study explores the language employed by petitioners in their clemency applications to provide new perspectives on Texas and its development as a society during this period.1 A robust culture of petitioning existed among Texan men during early statehood and large numbers could be mobilized to sign a clemency petition.2 While the citizens who organized petition campaigns were often members of the state's professional or farming elite, their fellow petitioners were drawn from all strata of society. In some cases, they sought clemency for an errant scion of an elite family, but oftentimes the object of their compassion was a poor laboring man, a widow, and even a slave. Some petitioners sought clemency out of blatant self-interest (for example, the planter seeking the return of his convicted slave \"property\"), but often, their words evinced a simple human compassion and the desire to establish a just and civilized society on a new frontier.3 The deployment of petitions and the language of clemency texts in the frontier state of Texas reveals that attitudes to the rule of law differed in some respects from those in more easterly states, such as described by Laura Edwards in her study of the Carolinas after the American Revolution.4 Texans were apparently more reluctant to manipulate the operation of law at a local level at first instance than the citizens of the Carolinas. 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Abstract

"We the Ladies":Collective Petitioning by Women in Antebellum and Civil War Texas Daniel Hale (bio) On June 20, 1862, Colonel Thomas Carothers, the superintendent of the Texas State Penitentiary, was visited by an apparently tearful Frederika Riebeling, who successfully urged him to change his mind and follow the example of his two predecessors in supporting her campaign to secure a pardon for her husband, Charles. Frederika had been pardoned from the penitentiary a few years earlier for the same crime as her husband. Her release had been secured, in part, by a collective petitioning campaign by women of the Texas social elite. Frederika Riebeling subsequently gained the support of some of the most influential Texan men for the clemency application on behalf of Charles, including former governor Sam Houston. Thomas Carothers explained his volte-face in a letter to Governor Lubbock as a chivalrous response to Mrs. Riebeling's distress. The case of Frederika and Charles Riebeling provides a vantage point from which to explore the role of women in petitioning for clemency in early statehood Texas, revealing new insights into collective campaigning by women from the social elite in the antebellum South. This article will show that some women in antebellum Texas, enabled by their social standing, did engage in collective petitioning on certain public matters and that their ability to intervene in that sphere might not have been so limited as formerly believed. Its argument is derived from wider research on the discourse employed in petitions for executive clemency sent to the governors of Texas during the period of early [End Page 199] statehood and the Civil War. Central to this research were the petitions made on behalf of people convicted of offenses against the criminal code of Texas, and this study explores the language employed by petitioners in their clemency applications to provide new perspectives on Texas and its development as a society during this period.1 A robust culture of petitioning existed among Texan men during early statehood and large numbers could be mobilized to sign a clemency petition.2 While the citizens who organized petition campaigns were often members of the state's professional or farming elite, their fellow petitioners were drawn from all strata of society. In some cases, they sought clemency for an errant scion of an elite family, but oftentimes the object of their compassion was a poor laboring man, a widow, and even a slave. Some petitioners sought clemency out of blatant self-interest (for example, the planter seeking the return of his convicted slave "property"), but often, their words evinced a simple human compassion and the desire to establish a just and civilized society on a new frontier.3 The deployment of petitions and the language of clemency texts in the frontier state of Texas reveals that attitudes to the rule of law differed in some respects from those in more easterly states, such as described by Laura Edwards in her study of the Carolinas after the American Revolution.4 Texans were apparently more reluctant to manipulate the operation of law at a local level at first instance than the citizens of the Carolinas. The clemency files demonstrate that the citizens of Texas would adhere to the strict letter of the law at the prosecution stage, even when it conflicted with their own localized, and particularized, sense of justice; however, after trial and conviction, they would seek justice in individual cases through petitions for executive clemency.5 There was a marked consensus amongst [End Page 200] citizens of all social backgrounds on the need to establish the rule of law by strict adherence to its provisions at the prosecution and trial stages. Executive clemency provided a means by which the harshness of the law in individual cases could be ameliorated.6 Clemency petitions from this period of Texas history display a widespread adherence to certain formulaic drafting conventions. Petitioners from across the state adopted very similar forms of address when beginning their appeals for mercy: "We the undersigned citizens" and "[t]he undersigned citizens of the County" were common prefaces to a petition.7 Yet these few words were replete with meaning: first...
“我们女士们”:战前和内战时期德克萨斯州妇女的集体请愿
1862年6月20日,泪流满面的弗里德里卡·里贝林(Frederika Riebeling)拜访了德克萨斯州州立监狱的负责人托马斯·卡罗瑟斯上校(Thomas Carothers),她成功地敦促他改变主意,效仿他的两位前任,支持她为丈夫查尔斯(Charles)争取赦免的运动。几年前,Frederika因与她丈夫同样的罪行而从监狱被赦免。她的获释在一定程度上是由德克萨斯州社会精英女性的集体请愿运动促成的。弗里德里卡·里贝林随后获得了一些最有影响力的德克萨斯人的支持,代表查尔斯申请宽大处理,其中包括前州长萨姆·休斯顿。托马斯·卡罗瑟斯在给拉伯克州长的一封信中解释说,他的转变是对里贝林夫人痛苦的一种侠义回应。Frederika和Charles Riebeling的案例提供了一个有利的视角,让我们可以从这个角度来探讨女性在德克萨斯建国初期请求宽大处理的过程中所扮演的角色,揭示出内战前南方社会精英女性的集体运动的新视角。本文将表明,在南北战争前的德克萨斯州,由于她们的社会地位,一些妇女确实参与了对某些公共事务的集体请愿,她们在这一领域进行干预的能力可能并不像以前认为的那样有限。它的论点来源于对早期建国和内战时期向德克萨斯州州长发出的行政赦免请愿书中使用的话语的更广泛的研究。本研究的核心是代表被判违反德克萨斯州刑法的人提出的请愿书,本研究探讨了请愿人在宽大申请中使用的语言,以提供关于德克萨斯州及其在这一时期作为一个社会发展的新视角在建国初期,德克萨斯人之间存在着一种强大的请愿文化,可以动员大量的人签署一份宽大的请愿书虽然组织请愿运动的公民通常是国家的专业人士或农业精英,但他们的请愿同伴来自社会各个阶层。在某些情况下,他们为一个精英家庭的误入歧途的后代寻求宽恕,但通常他们同情的对象是一个贫穷的劳动者,一个寡妇,甚至一个奴隶。有些上访者出于明显的自身利益寻求宽恕(例如,种植园主要求归还他被定罪的奴隶的“财产”),但他们的话往往表现出一种简单的人类同情和在新边疆建立公正文明社会的愿望在边境州德克萨斯州,请愿书的部署和宽恕文本的语言表明,对法治的态度在某些方面与更东部的州不同,如劳拉·爱德华兹在美国革命后对卡罗来纳州的研究中所描述的那样。4德克萨斯人显然比卡罗来纳州的公民更不愿意在地方一级操纵法律的运作。这些赦免文件表明,德克萨斯州的公民在起诉阶段会严格遵守法律条文,即使这与他们自己的地方性和特殊性的正义感相冲突;但是,在审判和定罪之后,他们将在个别案件中通过请求行政赦免来寻求正义在所有社会背景的公民中,有一个明显的共识,即需要通过严格遵守其在起诉和审判阶段的规定来建立法治。行政宽恕提供了一种手段,通过这种手段可以改善个别案件中法律的严厉性德克萨斯州历史上这一时期的宽大请愿显示出对某些公式化起草惯例的广泛遵守。全州各地的请愿者在开始恳求宽恕时采用了非常相似的称呼形式:“我们签名的公民”和“签名的县里公民”是请愿书的常见前言然而,这几句话却意味深长:首先……
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
106
期刊介绍: The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, continuously published since 1897, is the premier source of scholarly information about the history of Texas and the Southwest. The first 100 volumes of the Quarterly, more than 57,000 pages, are now available Online with searchable Tables of Contents.
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