Political Anthropology eJournal最新文献

{"title":"The Main Challenges of Public Management in Afghanistan and the Possible Solutions","authors":"Zabehullah Bashardost, J. Ahmadi","doi":"10.31014/aior.1991.02.04.125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31014/aior.1991.02.04.125","url":null,"abstract":"The public management of a country has a direct relationship with the governance affairs, the components of good and bad in governance have been defined based on developed and undeveloped countries and indicators of governance. Given these components the governance and public management of a country can understand. Afghanistan is a country that has experienced good governance since 2002, after the fall of the Taliban regime. In order to study Afghanistan's public management, we need to look closely at governance in Afghanistan in order to identify the extent to which international standards of governance in Afghanistan have been acceptable, and through it, we can identify the challenges of Afghanistan's administration. This paper, which is titled \"The Main Challenges of Public Management in Afghanistan and the Possible Solutions,\" seeks to provide challenges and possible solutions of public management with a comprehensive vision based on global norms and with respect to cultural complexity, historic and traditional. This paper is written in three chapters, the first chapter which discusses good governance with a short manner and recognizes the position of the Afghan government with regard to the indicators of good governance, the second chapter defines the challenges of the Afghan management, the third chapter addresses the possible solution and ends with a conclusion. The purpose of writing this paper is to identify precisely the components that have had a profound negative impact on the Afghan public management and to prevent the increasing of these challenges proposes the solutions ways. This paper, based on library research, has gained to the authoritative sources that contain the principles of global management and the real challenges facing Afghanistan.","PeriodicalId":422077,"journal":{"name":"Political Anthropology eJournal","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124132378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"From the Periphery to the Center of Global Knowledge Production? A Bibliometric Analysis of the Evolution of a Social Science Community From a Small Country: Austria","authors":"Arno Tausch","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3475609","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3475609","url":null,"abstract":"<br>This bibliometric analysis of the global presence of Austrian political science (104 senior political scientists) is based on Scopus and OCLC Worldcat. Our global market presence indicators are:<br><br>• The number of articles indexed in Scopus<br>• The total number of quotations documented in Scopus<br>• The H-Index according to Scopus<br>• OCLC Worldcat: book with the largest global library presence<br>• OCLC Worldcat: book with the second largest global library presence<br>• OCLC Worldcat: book with the third largest global library presence<br><br>We also presented the results of a promax factor analysis of our data. We provide rankings of the global presence of Austrian political science according to the criteria used in this article. <br><br>There is ample evidence of a successful publication strategy based on the international journals, indexed in Scopus and the diffusion of book titles in the global libraries, contained in the OCLC Worldcat by a significant proportion of the Austrian political science community. We introduce some measures of comparison of their performance with the German, Swiss, and American political science communities.<br><br>Data from the Clarivate Analytics Web of Knowledge support our contentions, also over the time period 1970-2019.<br><br>Arguments against an international publication strategy, citing the global science enterprise as an international mode of power, are utterly wrong. We show that the relationship of the often invoked “critical” political science and “mainstream publishing” can be a positive one, discussing the example of current political transformations in Portugal, one of the few cases of a successful political left-wing project in Europe. There is no alternative to mainstream scientific publishing with major international journal and book publishers. Finally, we suggest that publishing with journals and book companies from emerging centers of publishing like the BRICS countries and in Eastern Europe can be also an attractive path for Austrian political science and for similar social science communities in the future. <br>","PeriodicalId":422077,"journal":{"name":"Political Anthropology eJournal","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128876371","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Bully in the Pulpit: The Impact of Donald Trump's Public Discourse","authors":"George C. Edwards III","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3442524","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3442524","url":null,"abstract":"Donald Trump’s public discourse has been characterized by making ad hominem attacks aimed at branding and delegitimizing critics and opponents, exaggerating threats or offering inappropriate reassurance, blurring the distinction between fact and fiction, stoking cultural divisions and racial and ethnic tensions, and challenging the rule of law. This rhetoric was both consistent with his pre-presidential expressions and a clear deviation from the norms of the presidency.Rather than being an asset for the president, his public discourse has diminished his ability to govern. His rhetoric has not aided him in expanding his supportive coalition. Incivility has not proven useful in attracting those not predisposed to support him, and he has not been able to brand policies effectively. Nor has he convinced most people to distrust his critics, including the media, and he has not persuaded them with either his exaggerations or minimizing of threats. His prevaricating has not won him additional adherents. Instead, the public finds him untrustworthy and not someone to whom they should defer. His public discourse and his playing to his base has brought him low and highly polarized approval ratings. Most Americans considered his rhetoric to be divisive and polarizing. In the end, Trump’s rhetoric has made it even more difficult to govern effectively.Equally important, there is reason to conclude that Trump’s discourse has been deleterious for American democracy. His rhetoric has encouraged incivility in public discourse, accelerated the use of disinformation, legitimized the expression of prejudice and increasing the salience of cultural divisions and racial and ethnic tensions, and undermined democratic accountability. Although most people reject both the tone and substance of the president’s rhetoric, many Republicans do not. Especially for his co-partisans, he has distorted the public’s knowledge about politics and policy, warped their understanding of policy challenges, and chipped away at respect for the rule of law.","PeriodicalId":422077,"journal":{"name":"Political Anthropology eJournal","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131611668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Legal Immigration Will Resolve America's Real Border Problems","authors":"David Bier","doi":"10.36009/PA.879","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36009/PA.879","url":null,"abstract":"The U.S. government has allowed its asylum and border processing system to become overwhelmed. Central Americans are crossing illegally and often relying on asylum and other processing procedures at the border because they are virtually the only ways for them to enter the United States. After numerous failed attempts to deter the flow or restrict asylum, the most realistic and humane way to control the border is for Congress and the administration to channel future immigrants into an orderly legal structure for coming to the country.<br><br>Five reforms would make the asylum system manageable again and restore control over the border:<br><br>1. Humanitarian parole: Waive entry restrictions for Central Americans in the backlogged green card lines and with family legally in the United States.<br><br>2. Private refugee sponsorship: Allow U.S. residents and organizations to sponsor refugees from abroad as the State Department had planned in 2016.<br><br>3. Guest worker expansion: Expand the H-2A and H-2B seasonal worker programs to year-round jobs for Central Americans and waive the H-2B cap.<br><br>4. Legalization: Legalize illegal immigrants who have no serious criminal convictions and let them reunite with their spouses and children, eliminating the network for future illegal immigration.<br><br>5. Processing at ports: Remove the cap on asylum seekers at ports of entry, process 100 percent of their claims there, and release them with an employment authorization document contingent on them appearing in court.<br><br>These reforms will not stop all asylum seekers, but they will redirect enough of the flow into other legal channels to make the asylum process manageable again for U.S. authorities.","PeriodicalId":422077,"journal":{"name":"Political Anthropology eJournal","volume":"140 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123352663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Political Affections on Online Social Network: The Opinative Priority During the Presidential Campaigns","authors":"Aloha Boeck","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3459639","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3459639","url":null,"abstract":"How does the urgency on publicizing opinions was expressed in the uses of an online social network during a conflicted period of time like the Presidential Campaign in countries such as Brazil and United States? In these scenarios, it seems that it is not enough to simply reflect on certain relevant topics; it seems essential to externalize opinions that seek to establish an intransigent position. To understand this phenomenon, possible evidence can be found in the way communities of fans are organized, guided by the regulation of affections in the media and in education. Thus, the concept of \"opinionative priority\" is proposed to understand the disputes about the meaning of democracy that emerge in online social networks, being the attempt to corroborate, counter or refute a statement, in a power dispute. It is the tensioning itself resulting from the need to belong, caused by social networks, and participatory culture, because it is not enough to be and be seen, it is necessary to be part of the discussions, or to initiate a new one. These disputes treat diverse opinions as enemies to be exterminated, obliterating the pluralistic democratic condition, supported by the fundamental right of freedom of speech. Therefore, it is understood that the \"opinionative priority\" is more than a communication process, since it promotes a pedagogical action in which opinion is formed from absence of moderation, once there is no time for considerations; there is only the urgency to defend a point of view in social networks.","PeriodicalId":422077,"journal":{"name":"Political Anthropology eJournal","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126468508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Role and Place of Social Programing in Public Governance","authors":"V. Terziev","doi":"10.18769/IJASOS.592060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18769/IJASOS.592060","url":null,"abstract":"In its development, the concept of „programming” in its classic form is established in mathematics as a set of methods to create an algorithm of work of electronic computing machine ... a comprehensive computational process that aims at optimizing the mathematical expression in certain mathematical conditions. Applicable in its varieties of linear programming (method for finding the maximum or minimum of linear limiting function in the presence of linear restrictive conditions) and non-linear programming (set of mathematical methods for determining the largest and the smallest value of the non-linear functions in the presence of restrictive conditions), in the modern world of information technology this concept is key to the computer field (identified with coding). Moreover, in its broad interpretation, the term “programming” is associated with a range of actions in writing, which express prediction, foreshadowing, warning, statement, proclamation, prescription, command .","PeriodicalId":422077,"journal":{"name":"Political Anthropology eJournal","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128024824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Political Outcomes of Unfriending: Social Network Curation, Network Agreeability, and Political Participation","authors":"Craig T. Robertson, Laleah Fernandez, R. Shillair","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3426216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3426216","url":null,"abstract":"Research has noted a link between social media use and political participation. Scholars have also identified a need to explain this link. The present study is a theoretical and empirical probe into the political outcomes of unfriending people on social media. Drawing on privacy management theory and the social identity perspective, it explores the relationship between social network curation (blocking or unfriending others on social media for political reasons), perceived social network agreeability (how often people agree with the political opinions or political content of friends on social media), and forms of political participation. Using data from a survey of US adults (N=2,018) and a structural equation modelling approach, study results indicate a relational path from social network curation, through expressive participation (e.g. discussing politics and posting about politics on social media), to more demonstrative forms of participation (e.g. donating money and volunteering time). The study contributes to our understanding of the link between social media use and political outcomes by focusing on a unique explanatory mechanism. Policy implications pertain to the role that social media use plays in fostering political involvement. Specifically, if cutting disagreeable friends out of one’s social network is associated with political participation, this raises normative concerns regarding engagement which is underpinned by political polarization and intolerance.","PeriodicalId":422077,"journal":{"name":"Political Anthropology eJournal","volume":"156 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126719867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Association between Diet Preferences and Attitudes","authors":"Evgeniia Popova","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3420280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3420280","url":null,"abstract":"As Western Society moves towards veganism, the topic is gaining attention in academia. Prior research in this field focuses on linkages between peoples’ dietary choices and their social and political attitudes. Several studies suggest correlation between these variables: the less meat the respondents report consuming, the stronger are the preferences towards less conventional and more egalitarian society (Allen et al., 2000; Veser et al., 2015). We aim to check this hypothesis and replicate the study done by Veser and colleagues (Veser et al., 2015) to see whether we can come to similar results.<br><br>Our results confirm that self-reported nutrition choices are correlated with attitudes. However, these associations are weak. In fact, our findings suggest a possibility for a preferential influence of gender on attitudes in spite of a diet. Due to the fact that both nutrition choices and attitudes towards right-wing authoritarismus and social dominance orientation exhibit gender differences, the analysis of attitudes based on claimed meat consumption/meat avoidance of respondents seems to be of limited use.","PeriodicalId":422077,"journal":{"name":"Political Anthropology eJournal","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131563654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Twenty-Nine Reasons Why Paying Reparations for Slavery Is a Bad Idea","authors":"Robert W. McGee","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3408860","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3408860","url":null,"abstract":"This paper identifies 29 reasons why paying reparations for slavery is a bad idea.","PeriodicalId":422077,"journal":{"name":"Political Anthropology eJournal","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115864529","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Pockets of Effectiveness: The Contributions of Critical Political Economy and State Theory","authors":"G. Mohan","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3467513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3467513","url":null,"abstract":"The pockets of effectiveness (PoEs) debates and political settlements literature are rooted in particular forms of political economy analysis. At one level, this is a positive contribution to the mainstream development policy literature, and allows us to characterise political systems and their power relations, as well as forcing us to pay close attention to the dynamics of state institutions. Yet, these literatures are disconnected from a tradition of more critical political economy analysis and state theory. This brief review is a first attempt to connect these bodies of theory, largely in an African context. We find some promising new (and old) avenues of inquiry to connect critical political economy to PoE work, largely in terms of various meso-level theories of how states function, which move us away from all-encompassing metatheories of the state. Such meso-level theories enable us to theorise the more finegrained and developmentally positive institutions that constitute PoEs, since much of the meta-theory tends to be both broad brush as well as causally pessimistic, insofar as African states are rarely seen to engender positive developmental outcomes. These meso-level theories can also be more easily elaborated methodologically, which is vital, since most of the claims about state capacity and function require contextual empirical analysis.","PeriodicalId":422077,"journal":{"name":"Political Anthropology eJournal","volume":"107 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132023400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}