Strategic Review for Southern Africa最新文献

{"title":"Democracy and Delusion: 10 myths in South African Politics. Cape Town: Tafelberg 2017, 184 pp. (Sizwe Mpofu-Walsh).","authors":"E. Ndaguba","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v40i2.287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v40i2.287","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44196277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Towards Macro-Economic Convergence in SACU: The Position of Botswana","authors":"M. Shangase","doi":"10.35293/SRSA.V41I1.301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/SRSA.V41I1.301","url":null,"abstract":"In light of recent developments such as the African Continental African Free Trade Area agreement (AfCFTA), incrementalist approaches to regional inte gration that focus on sub-regions seems to have been pushed to the backburner as more focus puts the entire African continent at the centre of integration processes. With all its potential, gradual macro-economic convergence has accordingly been neglected. Discussions on macro-economic convergence have on the other hand been cast over the broader sub-region such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) where a number of indicators and targets have been identified and pursued closely. Whilst looking at Botswana as a point of departure, this paper argues that incremental macro-economic convergence is pivotal to broader regional integration and the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) provides an ideal stepping-stone. An incrementalist approach to macro-economic convergence as well as broader regional integration should begin with identifying key formal institutions that serve as  custodians of macro-economic policy such as the central banks and departments of finance or treasuries. Using secondary data sources, with Botswana as a case study, this paper foregrounds macro-economic convergence, macro-economic policy making institutions, and SACU as critical building blocks for broader regional integration.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43603557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"CONSTITUTIONALISM IN DEMOCRATIC SOUTH AFRICA: CELEBRATIONS, CONTESTATIONS AND CHALLENGES","authors":"H. Melber","doi":"10.35293/SRSA.V36I2.191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/SRSA.V36I2.191","url":null,"abstract":"South Africans often proudly proclaim that our Constitution is one of the most progressive in the world. Yet if you ask most South Africans how they really feel about gay rights, abortion and the death penalty, their answers, more often than not, contradict the values enshrined in the Constitution. (Ahmed 2014) This is the sobering assessment of the Chief Executive of the South African Human Rights Commission 20 years into democratic South Africa. The document adopted by The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996 was considered an exemplary showpiece for the new democratic, human rights based era — embraced as \"proudly South African\" among the world's most enlightened legal frameworks. Taking stock almost two decades later, however, constitutionality seems to have not yet been deeply and firmly anchored in public awareness or ingrained into a ] social fabric guiding the fundamental values, ethics and norms as reflected by ordinary public perception and opinion. Nor have policy makers in the government seemingly internalised an unconditional respect for and recognition of the governance principles enshrined in this Constitution, as some recent examples seem to suggest. The current controversy around the \"spy tapes\", but even more so the contested role of the public protector — dubbed \"a jewel in South Africa's constitutional crown\" (Pieters 2014) — and her stance with regard to Nkandla and the obligations of the head of state to respond to her recommendations are obvious tips of the iceberg. But current discourses at the same time are a mirror image of the ongoing struggles over the power of definition and the interpretation, as well as adherence, to the rules of the game as laid down in the normative framework. As constitutions elsewhere, there is a discrepancy between what is stated, how it ought to be understood and interpreted, how it should be adhered to and applied, and what the intended effects, as well as the real consequences are. It therefore is not by accident that debates and contestations over the meaning and implications of constitutional principles are an eminently political affair and an integral part of governance. It would be more worrying, if this would not be the case, since this would suggest that those in control over society reign supreme in the sense of governing without checks and balances. So then let's have a closer look at the issues at stake.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43676535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"BEYOND THE ELECTORAL TRIUMPHALISM: REFLECTIONS ON LESOTHO'S COALITION GOVERNMENT AND CHALLENGES","authors":"F. Makoa","doi":"10.35293/SRSA.V36I1.154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/SRSA.V36I1.154","url":null,"abstract":"1. Introduction: The 2012 election results Among the 18 political parties which contested Lesotho's 26 May 2012 National Assembly elections, the All Basotho Convention (ABC) led by Thomas Motsoahae Thabane, the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), by Mothetjoa Metsing and the Basotho National Party (BNP) under Thesele 'Maseribane's leadership fortuitously, yet neither unconstitutionally nor surprisingly, won governmental power and thus jointly rule the country as aptly a triumvirate. Until the actual voting day there was nothing discernibly common between any of these political parties. Indeed, they had squared up against each other as mutually hostile entities frantically trying to maximise their individual chances of winning the elections. Section 87(2) of the Constitution of Lesotho reads: \"The King shall appoint as Prime Minister the member of the National Assembly who appears to the Council of State to be the leader of the political party or coalition of political parties that will command the support of the majority of the members of the National Assembly\". With 30, 26 and five seats respectively in the National Assembly, the ABC, LCD, and BNP achieved the required absolute majority by one seat to claim governmental power. This development ended the one-party dominance that had been for decades a feature of Lesotho's democracy. Catapulted to state power by an overwhelming majority vote in previous elections, then ruling LCD was an unrestrained force. It used its parliamentary majority to forestall debates on important national issues and passed bills as law before they had been properly scrutinised by its opposition counterparts (Makoa 2005: 69). The LCD lost governmental power in a bizarre fashion to a third of its splinter parties since being formed 15 years ago, the Democratic Congress (DC). Its erstwhile leader and then Prime Minister Mosisili, together with the majority of LCD members of parliament (MPs) resigned from the party and formed, inside the house of parliament in February 2012, the DC, which immediately took over the administration of the country as the ruling party. The LCD had similarly been formed in June 1997 to the chagrin of the opposition by the late Ntsu Mokhehle, then prime minister and leader of the then ruling Basutoland Congress Party (BCP), who continued to rule until 1998 under the banner of his newly formed LCD. Together, the ABC, LCD and BNP captured 61 of the total 120 parliamentary seats, a minimum required to form government. After the elections results had been announced the ABC, LCD and BNP triumvirate presented itself as a coalition. The newly formed DC led by the former Prime Minister Pakalitha Bethuel Mosisili had won only 47 parliamentary seats. A coalition with the small political parties remaining outside the ABC, LCD and BNP partnership would yield only 59 parliamentary seats. Able to muster the number, the ABC, LCD and BNP thus coalesced into a bloc in accordance with the provisions of Section 87","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44343539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"MISSIONARIES AND MURDER IN THE STRUGGLE FOR ZIMBABWE","authors":"R. Southall","doi":"10.35293/SRSA.V39I2.286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/SRSA.V39I2.286","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49236429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"RECONCILIATION IN ZIMBABWE: THE CONFLICT BETWEEN A STATE-CENTRED AND PEOPLECENTRED APPROACH","authors":"Ruth R. Murambadoro, Cori Wielenga","doi":"10.35293/SRSA.V37I1.209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/SRSA.V37I1.209","url":null,"abstract":"Reconciliation has become an integral part of the post-conflict peacebuilding process, and has come to be seen as an integral part of sustaining peace and security, particularly at the local level. The tension between a state security and human security approach to peacebuilding is particularly evident in national reconciliation and transitional justice processes. There is a continued emphasis on high-level reconciliation processes and the reconciliation of elite actors over processes that facilitate reconciliation at the  community level. This article explores this in the case of Zimbabwe, where the emphasis is on a state-based approach to resolving conflict, which fails to take into account or address the needs and issues that affect local communities. Drawing from fieldwork undertaken in Matabeleland in April, 2014, this article describes what community members identify as their central needs when it comes to reconciliation, within the context of the state-driven processes that have been implemented to date.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47713770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"ZIMBABWE'S DEMOCRACY IN THE WAKE OF THE 2013 ELECTION: CONTEMPORARY AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES","authors":"D. Moore","doi":"10.35293/SRSA.V36I1.150","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/SRSA.V36I1.150","url":null,"abstract":"The startlingly definitive election victory for Zimbabwe's Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) at the end of July 2013 incorporated elements ranging from coercion, cheating, and regional connivance (with opposition's hapless performance) so seamlessly that many scholars and political practitioners have prophesised the near death of democracy there and elsewhere on the continent. This article reviews the process of and the discourse on the election. Historical reflections based on recent archival research offer comparative perspectives. Democratic progress in Zimbabwe must be reassessed soberly and without illusions.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46705191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Quest for Sustainable Development in the Context of Insecurity: Some Critical Reflections","authors":"Patrick Dzimiri, Richard Obinna Iroanya, R. Molapo","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v41i1.232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v41i1.232","url":null,"abstract":"This paper considers the possibility of realizing “peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development; providing access to justice for all and building effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels specifically in Africa”. This is goal 16 of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). As configured, peace, security and development are treated as integral subsets of sustainable development. The paper contends that this goal holds the key to the realization of other SDGs in the African context. In examining the achievability of this goal, the concept and essence of development in general and sustainabledevelopment in particular were examined. The paper argues that the well-being of a state and its people is the primary essence of development. Furthermore, development is considered as connoting a state’s capacity to provide enabling conditions such as peace and freedom that sustain general well-being. Development is also a characteristic of a state-system which cannot sustain itself in the absence of peace, security and democracy. The approach and method followed in the paper are largely qualitative and analytical. Data from documentary analysis were relied upon to develop a conceptual framework of peace, security, democracy and development. Findings show that the evolvement of sustainable development remains difficult in Africa because Africa’s development trajectory remains largely disconnected and disjointed. For Africa to achieve sustainable development goals (SDGs), serious peace and security challenges must be effectively addressed. Broad suggestions to ensure that well-articulated development paradigm in which peace, security, democracy and policy stability are strategically positioned, linked and integrated to the degree that they provide mutual support and reinforcement to one another are made.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46957277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A CRITIQUE OF EMBODIMENT","authors":"Théogène Niwenshut","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v40i1.279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v40i1.279","url":null,"abstract":"Embodiment is often taken for granted as beneficial to our wellbeing, learning andhealing. Embodied processes are core to various therapies and pedagogies. Current debates on decolonising knowledge, education, museums, universities andcurriculums are suggesting that more art courses, more creative practices andembodied methodologies will provide solutions to the resilient crisis of transformation, representation, separateness and woundedness effected by centuries of colonial and apartheid violence. In the context of genocide and violence, however, an attempt to transform and heal from its trauma, embodiment should be applied with caution. Arts and other embodied approaches may be dislocating and possibly re-traumatising if applied from a philosophical, theoretical, psychological and academic logic that emphasises the notion of separation which locates the body to the margins, and isolates individuals and communities from themselves, each otherand the world. In light of the metaphors going back home and the journey to healing, emerging from experiences and processes of survival and healing, this article proposes REmbodiment (reembodiment). Re-embodied are here understood as practices that take their source and feed modes of being and praxis that are more circular, opening, re-membering (bringing together, repairing), interconnecting, multidimensional.It occurred to me then that if one could make a people lose touch withtheir capacity to create, lose sight of their will and their power to makeart, then the work of subjugation, of colonization, is complete. Suchwork can be undone only by acts of concrete reclamation(Hooks 1995: xv)","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47168555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"ON THE PITFALLS OF A DEVELOPMENTAL STATE","authors":"Mzukisi Qobo","doi":"10.35293/SRSA.V36I2.171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/SRSA.V36I2.171","url":null,"abstract":"1. Introduction Economic transformation has always been the cornerstone of the governing party since it assumed power in 1994. The notion of a developmental state has since the early 1990s been used as a catch-all phrase for the African National Congress (ANC) thinking on economic and social policies. There is even a subcommittee within the ANC called the Economic Transformation sub-committee, which is seen as the custodian of the ruling party's vision for socio-economic change, as well as offering broad guidelines for a range of policies that have to do with the economy. Over the years since the ANC came into power in 1994, the idea of building a developmental state has continued to serve as an organising principle to frame the nature of change desired by the government. It is a notion that is conceptually ambiguous and lacking in precision with respect to policy application. According to Pempel (1997: 139), developmental states \"define their missions primarily in terms of long-term national economic enhancement\", and \"they actively and regularly intervene in economic activities with the goal of improving the international competitiveness of their domestic economies\". According to this definition, the imperative for managing structural change domestically, for example, improving the growth profile of the economy, diversifying the production base, and generating employment is pursued alongside strategies to promote the country as an investment destination to foreign capital. In many instances, the emphasis placed by the governing party on the notion of the developmental state stresses a more teleological thrust expressed in a certain state of completeness, and usually in reference to the typology of East Asian countries. Beyond rhetoric, it is worth probing what exactly does 'developmental state' mean in the post1990 South African context, a period characterised by increasing global integration and emergence of 'footloose' capital favouring locations where the state is seen as less interventionist. 2. Conceptual map By the time that South Africa started its transition from apartheid to democracy in the early 1990s, the pendulum of economic thinking had shifted globally and strongly towards neoliberal restructuring as an article of faith for economic policy making. This came in the wake of the oil crisis of the early 1970s and the attendant recession of the 1980s. In much of the developing world the state was in retreat, and giving way to a deregulation and liberalising agenda that would presumably stem the crisis. To prove its credentials as a responsible international citizen, South Africa drew heavily on the major themes of the Washington Consensus, in both its pure (laissez faire) and augmented versions (a blending of regulatory features and free markets). Given the centrality, though, of the trade unions in the struggle for liberation, and their closeness to the new governing party in South Africa, measures such as flexible labour markets wer","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43102651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}