Mexican Law Review最新文献

{"title":"THE EXHAUSTION OF DOMESTIC REMEDIES AND THE NOTION OF AN EARLY STAGE IN THE CASE OF BREWER CARÍAS. IS THE INTER-AMERICAN HUMAN RIGHTS SYSTEM AT RISK?","authors":"Angel Gabriel Cabrera Silva","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.006","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.006","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This note analyzes the judgment delivered by the Inter-American Court on Human Rights in the Case of Brewer Carías v. Venezuela. It argues that the criteria that allowed the preliminary objection of non-exhaustion of domestic remedies contravenes the precedents of the Inter-American line of case law. By examining the origin and implications of the newly-introduced concept of an “early stage” in domestic proceedings, this paper then reaches to the conclusion that it could endanger the accessibility and impact of the Inter-American Human Rights System.</p></div><div><p>Esta nota analiza la sentencia dictada por la Corte Intermericana de Derechos Humanos en el Caso Brewer Carías vs. Venezuela. Se sostiene que los criterios utilizados para admitir la excepción preliminar de falta de agotamiento de recursos internos, contraviene los precedentes establecidos en la línea jurisprudencial del Sistema Interamericano. Mediante un estudio del origen e implicaciones del recién introducido concepto de una “etapa temprana” en los recursos internos, se concluye que esta noción podría implicar un riesgo para la accesibilidad y el impacto del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"8 2","pages":"Pages 151-168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"ANTITRUST IN THE NEW ECONOMY CASE GOOGLE INC. AGAINST ECONOMIC COMPETITION ON WEB","authors":"Doris Karina Oropeza Mendoza","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.001","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.001","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>The American multinational company Google is one of the most important businesses in the new economy, thanks to its innovation has positioned itself as a leader in the Internet environment worldwide. One of its main products is Google Search, which has been in the public eye, because authorities in antitrust considered that search machine infringes the antitrust legal system. The company Google has faced indictments for this reason countries like the US and the EU, but in both cases it is considered that the authorities responsible for research has not given clear and sound criteria to determine the guilt or innocence of the digital enterprise, based on the actual behavior of competition in the markets for electronic commerce, which belong to the new Economy, so this paper presents a brief description of both cases and proposals of the key aspects that investigations by the authorities in the field should take.</p></div><div><p>La multinacional estadounidense Google, es uno de los negocios más importantes de la nueva economía, gracias a su innovación se ha posicionado como un líder en el entorno Web en todo el mundo. Uno de sus principales productos es Google Search, el cual ha estado en el ojo público, debido a que autoridades en defensa de la competencia han considerado que la máquina de búsquedas vulnera el sistema legal de defensa de la competencia. La empresa Google ha enfrentado acusaciones formales por esta razón en Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea, pero en ambos casos se considera que las autoridades encargadas de las investigaciones no han emitido criterios claros y sólidos para determinar la culpabilidad o inocencia de la empresa digital, basado en el comportamiento real de la competencia en los mercados de comercio electrónico, que pertenecen a la Nueva Economía, por lo que este trabajo expone una breve descripción de ambos casos y las propuestas de los aspectos claves que las investigaciones de las autoridades en la materia deben tomar.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"8 2","pages":"Pages 1-29"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"CRIMINALS AND ENEMIES? THE DRUG TRAFFICKER IN MEXICO'S POLITICAL IMAGINARY","authors":"Alejandro Madrazo Lajous","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.002","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.002","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This article compares the official and the widely held discourses about drug traffickers in Mexico's current War against Drugs. The federal government has obliquely distorted the distinction between a criminal and an enemy, dehumanizing drug traffickers and, thus, opening up a spectrum of tolerance for the repressive actions carried out by the authorities against drug traffickers. Inadvertently, however, official discourse has also politicized and empowered drug traffickers, casting them as an enemy. In contrast, popular discourse surrounding drugs and drug trafficking seems to have resisted these disintegrating categories. Using narcocorridos –a popular musical subgenre–, I conclude that criminal and enemy categories when referring to drug traffickers do not merge in the popular imaginary. Nevertheless, younger musicians seem to pick up on the politization of the drug trafficker as the enemy, the risks and implications of which are indicated in this article.</p></div><div><p>Este artículo compara los discursos que sobre el narcotraficante se han desplegado desde dos distintos foros -uno oficial y otro popular-durante al actual “Guerra contra las drogas” en México. El gobierno federal ha colapsado la distinción entre criminal y enemigo, deshumanizando a los traficantes de drogas y, así, abriendo un espacio de tolerancia para los actos represivos ejecutados por las autoridades en contra de ellos. En contraste, el discurso popular en torno a las drogas y sus traficantes parece haberse resistido a la conflación de estas dos categorías. A partir de un análisis de narcocorridos, concluyo que, en general, las categorías de “criminal” y “enemigo” no se confunden en la figura del traficante de drogas en el imaginario popular. Sin embargo, músicos más jóvenes sí parecen retomar esta conflación y la consecuente politización del narcotraficante como enemigo, con los riesgos e implicaciones que se señalan en este artículo.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"8 2","pages":"Pages 31-55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"THE BECOMING-OTHER OF LAW: PRELIMINARIES FOR A CITIZEN'S CONCEPTUALIZATION OF LAW","authors":"Ricardo Miranda","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.005","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.005","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;div&gt;&lt;p&gt;The author's hypothesis is that modern legal theories view law solely from the standpoint of ruling class or, in Hartian language, from the external point of view. Why? In sume because legal philosophers have implicitly accepted law as the exclusive domain of government and partisan politics. This approach, however, has been disrupted by poststructuralist political developments, which serve as a powerful impetus to modify prevailing concepts. This analysis begins with Benjamin Arditi's idea regarding what he calls ‘the becoming other of politics’, an argument to radically change how the law is conceived. It then examines a very particular point of the theory proposed by the legal philosopher Herbert Hart, who distinguishes between the “external” and “internal” points of view with respect to how the rules of a legal system may be described or evaluated. In effect, Hart distinguishes between: (i) the &lt;em&gt;external&lt;/em&gt; aspect, which is the independently observable fact that people tend to obey rules with regularity; and (ii) the &lt;em&gt;internal&lt;/em&gt; aspect, which is the obligation felt by most individuals to follow the rules. It is from this latter “internal sense” that the law acquires its normative quality. Unfortunately, Hart only applies the internal point of view to government officials, in effect rendering his thesis inconsistent. The paper ends with a brief analysis of Dworkin's Herculean judge theory, arguing that Dworkin also gets trapped between the paradigm of government and partisan politics.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;div&gt;&lt;p&gt;La hipótesis del autor es que el derecho en las teorías jurídicas modernas ha sido considerado solamente desde el punto de vista de los gobernantes o, en lenguaje hartiano, desde el punto de vista externo, y ello es así porque los filósofos del derecho ven a éste, al menos implícitamente, como un producto exclusivo de la política estatal y de partidos. Sin embargo, este formato en el cual la política ha sido elaborada comienza a ser rebasado hoy en día. Por lo tanto, si el concepto de la política está cambiando, el concepto de derecho debe igualmente cambiar. Ésta es la razón por la cual el autor toma como punto de partida la explicación de Benjamín Arditi sobre “el devenir-otro de la política”, tal explicación es el soporte para sugerir un cambio radical en la manera en que el concepto de derecho ha sido entendido. De este modo, el autor argumenta que, a pesar de ser Herbert Hart el iusfilósofo que hizo la importante distinción entre los puntos de vista externo e interno de las normas, Hart mismo es inconsistente con su tesis ya que refiere el punto de vista interno como exclusivo de los funcionarios estatales. En este sentido, la tesis que se intenta defender es que no habría diferencia alguna en considerar al derecho de esta manera o considerarlo solamente desde el punto de vista externo. Finalmente, el autor realiza un breve comentario sobre el juez Hércules dworkiniano para mostrar cómo Dworkin se encuentra también atrapad","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"8 2","pages":"Pages 131-150"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829067","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"ASSESSING ATTITUDES TOWARD MUNICIPAL POLICE IN MEXICO DURING DEMOCRATIC TIMES: A CASE STUDYING","authors":"Saúl Sandoval Perea","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.003","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.003","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;div&gt;&lt;p&gt;One of the key roles of States is to act as primary authorities over their territories and societies to establish order and provide security. Nevertheless, the processes of establishing and maintaining order and social control are complex. As such, different groups and institutions are required to interact effectively to encourage collective behavior. Among the different State agents, the police are directly in charge of fighting crime as well as maintaining social control. Their role in the development of democratic political systems is indeed significant. Police officers’ varying degrees of respect for civil, political, and human rights affect the tone of the relationship between the public and the government. Furthermore, the performance of the police in combating crime and violence can serve as an indicator of government competence. Today, the acceptance of democratic governance around the world has achieved an appeal seldom seen in modern history, yet the spread of democracy has not necessarily allowed all States to establish or maintain order and provide social control. This situation has been especially true for emerging and transitional democracies, as manifested through increasing problems of insecurity. Mexico is one such case of a nascent democracy facing significant insecurity challenges. In an attempt to learn more about the phenomenon of insecurity, this study examines citizens’ perceptions of the Mexican police at a municipal level. By using different approaches of criminal justice as well as a cross-sectional survey design, the study finds that police integrity, political legitimacy, and the perception of escalating neighborhood crime significantly affect varying attitudes toward the police. According to the results, Mexican police administrators and policymakers in general ought to place special attention on issues of integrity and political legitimacy to improve security and other areas of public policy in a country that is currently entering the democratic stage.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;div&gt;&lt;p&gt;Una de las funciones clave de los estados es actuar como autoridades principales sobre sus sociedades y territorios para establecer el orden y proveer seguridad. Sin embargo, los procesos para el establecimiento y mantenimiento del orden y control social son complejos. Así, diferentes grupos e instituciones necesitan interactuar de forma efectiva para promover el comportamiento colectivo. Dentro de las diferentes instituciones del estado, las policías se encargan directamente de combatir el crimen y también de mantener el control social. El papel de la policía en el accionar de los sistemas políticos democráticos es vital. Los diferentes grados de respeto que los policías ejercen sobre los derechos civiles, políticos, y humanos afectan la relación entre la ciudadanía y el gobierno. Además, el desempeño de la policía en el combate al crimen y la violencia puede servir como indicador de la eficiencia del estado. En la actualidad, la aceptación de","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"8 2","pages":"Pages 57-92"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Michoacanazo: A Case-Study of Wrongdoing in the Mexican Federal Judiciary","authors":"Gabriel Ferreyra","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.001","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.001","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>The Michoacanazo was a federal criminal trial in Mexico prosecuted by the Attorney General's Office against local and state public officials from the state of Michoacán who were indicted for having ties with the local drug cartel formally known as “La Familia Michoacana.” With the indictment, more than 30 public servants were arrested and sent to prison in a roundup carried out by the federal police in May 2009. Within a two-year period, all of those arrested were eventually released. This case had strong legal and political implications nationwide because it pitted the state of Michoacán against the federal government, as well as President Felipe Calderon's administration against the Mexican Federal Judiciary. The Michoacanazo provides a glimpse into the inner workings of the Mexican federal judiciary when powerful interests collide, and corruption intermingles with politics, a drug cartel, and the complexities of handling drug-related trials.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"8 ","pages":"Pages 3-31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54828951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"NATURAL PERSONS, JURIDICAL PERSONS AND LEGAL PERSONHOOD","authors":"Elvia Arcelia Quintana Adriano","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.005","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.005","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>The study of commercial law can be divided into four basic categories: (a) individuals (natural persons); (b) objects of commerce; (c) legal instruments and (d) administrative and legal procedures. Business relations between individuals and business entities requires significant legal documentation, including atypical or nonstandard business contracts. A central feature of all business transactions is the “legal entity”, used by organizations worldwide to conduct business. In order for many businesses to carry out routine activities, they must have many of the same legal rights and responsibilities as natural persons. In a word, these entities require “legal personhood”. Which leads us to the question of Legitimation. The most widely used legal instruments are nonstandardized business contracts. In essense, this is the delineation of contracting parties as entities with well-defined rights and obligations. This authority depends, in turn, on the legitimacy of the “personhood” of the contracting parties, which is often a point of dispute in business relations. Regardless of whether one accepts the use of terms “legal entity” and “legal personhood”, they often give rise to immeasurable and diverse conflicts domestically, regional and at global level. This had led to efforts to improve the rules of the International Chamber of Commerce and improve legal models that provide guidance to diverse nations. We have reviewed the works of different authors concluding with the personal insights of Elvia Arcelia Quintana.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"8 ","pages":"Pages 101-118"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54828987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"MEXICO'S UPSTREAM BUSINESS MODEL","authors":"George Baker","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.006","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.006","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>A fundamental question concerning the upstream business model that is incorporated into the 2014 Energy Reform in Mexico concerns the intended evolution of the energy policy framework in which it appears. The situation of “before,” as alluded to in President Peña's remarks on March 18, 2015, was one in which Pemex served as the iconic state monopoly, and through which, by virtue of Article 6 of the now-abrogated Petroleum Law of 1958, all contracting was required to take place under restrictive terms that excluded the business model of an oil company. The government is now offering a mineral contract that approximates the business model of a mineral lease as understood diverse jurisdictions, including the U.S. and Mexico. There are important differences, however, ones that represent for the State and the prospective operator and layers of uncertainty and regulatory discretionality. As for the broader benefits for the country that the new involvement of oil companies might bring, there are a priori reasons for concern: the government seeks to sharply restrict the reporting of statistical data on the operations and discoveries of the oil companies, including Pemex. All such data are to be funneled through and managed by a single government agency (CNH), redolent of the way the way that Pemex has traditionally reported data. A decade will be needed to recast the national oil narrative in a way that allows for an evolution of the upstream regime in 2026 in which a mineral lease will be offered to oil companies.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"8 ","pages":"Pages 121-136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"ELECTORAL GOVERNANCE: MORE THAN JUST ELECTORAL ADMINISTRATION","authors":"Luis Eduardo Medina Torres ,&nbsp;Edwin Cuitláhuac Ramírez Díaz","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.002","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.002","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>The meaning of “electoral governance” is often equated with “electoral administration”. The process, however, can be divided into three distinct stages: 1) formation of regulatory bodies and norms; 2) implementation of these norms; and 3) dispute resolution. Given these three parts, electoral governance amounts to much more than just administration. In this article we explain why many academic studies of electoral governance have neglected the role of conflict resolution, focusing instead on the first two elements. In this way, electoral governance is mistakenly conceived as merely a mechanism for establishing regulatory bodies and rules. Our second goal is to show readers that electoral governance is a process that starts with the enactment of legislation, continues with administrative enforcement and judicial response, and concludes when the process returns to the beginning, either through judicial interpretation or recommendation by a legislative body. Our preliminary conclusion is that a proper understanding of electoral governance must take into account the role of conflict resolution, especially for disputed elections. Lastly, consideration must be given to a final phase which incorporates a cyclical conception explaining the returning process to the legislative dimension.</p></div><div><p>La gobernanza electoral ha sido considerada como la administración de elecciones. Sin embargo, el concepto integral está compuesto por tres dimensiones: 1) el diseño constitucional y legal de los órganos reguladores y de los estándares; 2) la aplicación de reglas y 3) la resolución de disputas, considerando estos tres niveles la gobernanza electoral es más que la administración de elecciones. En este artículo mostramos como los estudios sobre la gobernanza electoral han olvidado la dimensión de la resolución de conflictos y se han centrado en las otras dos dimensiones, lo que ha propiciado que la gobernanza sea revisada solamente como un mecanismo para el diseño de órganos y reglas. Esto nos lleva al segundo propósito del trabajo: explicar cómo la gobernanza electoral es un proceso que inicia con la creación de leyes, continúa con la aplicación administrativa y con la resolución judicial, para terminar cuando el proceso reinicia el ciclo, ya sea mediante una interpretación jurisprudencial o por medio de una recomendación al órgano legislativo. Nuestra conclusión preliminar es que una noción integral de la gobernanza electoral debe considerar tanto elementos teóricos como empíricos: primero, el énfasis en la dimensión de resolución de conflictos, especialmente en contextos de elecciones disputadas; segundo, la consideración de una fase final que incorpora una perspectiva cíclica que regresa el proceso a la dimensión legislativa.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"8 ","pages":"Pages 33-46"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54828962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"MEXICAN TELECOM REFORM: PRIVATE INTEREST FIRST?","authors":"Clara Luz áLvarez","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.003","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.003","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Telecommunications reform, one of the pillars of President Enrique Peña Nieto's highly-publicized structural reforms, was enacted to recognize as human rights access to: (i) information and communications technology; and (ii) broadcasting and telecommunications services, including broadband and the Internet. The reform also gave the Mexican government the authority to sanction or even split up companies engaged in monopolistic practices, and to establish ad hoc restrictions to minimize undue market advantages for dominant industry players – defined as companies that capture 50 percent market share measured by number of users/audience, capacity or network infrastructure. This article explores several aspects of this new legislation, including regulatory agencies; media and plurality; audience and users’ rights; restrictions to minimize market manipulation; mergers; data retention and geo-localization; and access for persons with disabilities. It also examines various aspects of the legislative process, as well as some broader implications of the new law.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"8 ","pages":"Pages 47-74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2015.12.003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115222842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}