Mexican Law Review最新文献

{"title":"Mexico-U.S. Cross-Border Family Mediation: Legal Issues in Mexico","authors":"Nuria Gonzalez-Martín","doi":"10.22201/iij.24485306e.2017.18.10778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22201/iij.24485306e.2017.18.10778","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>The approach taken by society toward dispute resolution in child custody cases has historically been seen as litigation versus mediation. Given the current volume of cross-border family-related disputes, this binary approach no longer makes sense. In this note, I provide a brief introduction to mediation in Mexico, especially Mexico City. I also analyze other ideas regarding International Child Abduction by one of the Parents and International Family Mediation between Mexico and the USA.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"9 2","pages":"Pages 129-139"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.22201/iij.24485306e.2017.18.10778","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72252876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Cuban Regime after a Decade of Raúl Castro in Power","authors":"Ramón I. Centeno","doi":"10.22201/iij.24485306e.2017.18.10777","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22201/iij.24485306e.2017.18.10777","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>The leadership and ideology of the Cuban regime have changed since Raúl Castro came to power. Fidel Castro's charismatic authority was replaced by a collegial arrangement, and the centrally planned economy has admitted market socialist features. The main argument of this article is that both changes are related as the decline of charisma increased the relative weight of performance-based legitimacy. Drawing on the literature of communist survival, I claim that Cuba has thus changed from a charismatic post-totalitarian regime to a maturing one –thus joining China and Vietnam in the same regime-type, although Cuba has not (yet) restored capitalism.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"9 2","pages":"Pages 99-126"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.22201/iij.24485306e.2017.18.10777","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"137415511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"THE EXCESSIVE USE OF FORCE BY MEXICO CITY LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES: CORRUPTION, NORMAL ABUSE AND OTHER MOTIVES","authors":"Carlos Silva Forné","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.001","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.001","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Although several factors have been cited to explain the excessive use of police force, its relation to corruption has yet been little explored. This is a serious omission when dealing with law enforcement agencies in which corrupt practices are both widespread and deeply ingrained, as is the case in Mexico City. On the basis of an analysis of 575 complaints regarding violations of detainees’ right to physical integrity received by the Mexico City Human Rights Commission between 2007 and 2011, many troubling patterns involving the use of excessive police force emerge, including: deeply-rooted and historically-conditioned ways of policing; a form of moral retribution or “punishment” for individuals who resist arrest or challenge authority; poor disciplinary oversight; and lack of professional training (and competence) in resolving conflicts. Above all, the use of excessive force by Mexico City law enforcement agencies is linked to divergent forms of corruption, including extortion, crimes and the misuse of police authority to resolve private matters, among others. In order to address these problems, it is first necessary to recognize their diverse nature and their complex relation to disciplinary structures, accountability and culture.</p></div><div><p>La relación entre el uso excesivo de la fuerza y la corrupción policial ha sido poco explorada. Esta carencia es grave al estudiar instituciones policiales donde las prácticas de corrupción son extendidas, tal como es el caso en la Ciudad de México (Distrito Federal). A partir del análisis de 575 expedientes de queja por violaciones al derecho a la integridad personal que recibió la Comisión de Derechos Humanos del Distrito Federal entre los años 2007 y 2011, se observan distintos patrones problemáticos. El uso excesivo de la fuerza obedece a motivos diversos: como forma normalizada de realizar el trabajo policial cotidiano, como “castigo” a quien se resiste o falta el respeto a la autoridad, por impericia para resolver una situación conflictiva. Pero también el abuso en el uso de la fuerza se vincula a distintas formas de corrupción policial: extorsiones, delitos, resolución de problemas particulares, etc. Es necesario reconocer la heterogeneidad de los problemas de uso de la fuerza de la policía para pensar medidas con mayor probabilidad de éxito en su contención.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"9 1","pages":"Pages 3-21"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"WHAT IS “CONSTITUTIONAL EFFICACY”?: CONCEPTUAL OBSTACLES FOR RESEARCH ON THE EFFECTS OF CONSTITUTIONS","authors":"Andrea Pozas Loyo","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.002","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.002","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;div&gt;&lt;p&gt;When and why are codified constitutions efficacious? Answering these key and apparently straightforward questions turns out to be extremely challenging. The road to responding to them is paved with conceptual, theoretical, and empirical difficulties. In this article, I make a modest, but nevertheless hopefully useful, claim: that overlooking certain conceptual difficulties is detrimental to the advancement of the theoretical and empirical agenda on constitutional efficacy. In other words, I posit that empirical and theoretical research linked to these questions can benefit from a clear conceptualization of constitutional (or more broadly formal) efficacy that is consistent with their research objectives. It is not uncommon for social and political science research in this area to overlook the question “how should constitutional efficacy be conceptualized?” A close analysis of academic sources makes it clear that even specialized literature on questions related to constitutional (or more broadly formal) efficacy have assumed conceptualizations that are theoretically problematic given their research objectives, potentially leading to theoretical inconsistencies or inaccurate empirical conclusions. To exemplify this point, I analyze the conceptualization of constitutional efficacy used in two influential political science texts: Barry Weingast's “The Political Foundations of Democracy and the Rule of Law” and Gretchen Helmke and Steven Levitsky's Informal Institutions and Democracy. I argue that the conceptualizations of constitutional (or more broadly formal) efficacy used in their theoretical proposals are not adequately suited to their own research objectives, and that this conceptual misfit affects the theoretical consistency and empirical applicability of their conclusions.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;div&gt;&lt;p&gt;¿Cuándo y por qué las constituciones codificadas son eficaces? Responder estas preguntas cruciales y aparentemente directas han resultado un reto mayúsculo. El camino a su resolución está plagado de dificultades conceptuales, teóricas y metodológicas. En este artículo defiendo una tesis modesta pero, espero, útil: Ignorar ciertas dificultades conceptuales es perjudicial para el progreso de la agenda teórica y empírica sobre la eficacia constitucional. En otros términos, afirmo que la investigación teórica y empírica vinculada a estas preguntas puede beneficiarse de una conceptualización clara de eficacia constitucional (o de manera más general de eficacia formal) que sea consistente con los objetivos de su investigación. Un análisis a detalle de las fuentes académicas muestran que incluso la literatura especializada sobre cuestiones vinculadas a la eficacia constitucional han presupuesto conceptualizaciones que son teóricamente problemáticas con sus objetivos de investigación, y que ello los puede conducir a problemas de orden teórico y empírico. Para ejemplificar este punto analizo la conceptualización de eficacia constitucional utilizada en dos inf","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"9 1","pages":"Pages 23-44"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A SNAPSHOT OF THE MEXICAN CLEAN ENERGY OBLIGATIONS SYSTEM","authors":"Carlos del Razo","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.004","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.004","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This article explains the main features of the Clean Energy Obligations Market (‘CEOM’) and the relevance of the brand new Energy Transition Act (the ‘Act’), both enacted as part of the Mexican Energy Reform of 2013. The CEOM is designed to incentivize the sustainable growth of renewalable energy capacity by requiring qualified consumers and suppliers to obtain clean energy certificates that represent electricity produced from renewable sources (wind, solar, tidal, geothermal, biofuels, etc.). Although similar mechanisms have been successfully implemented worldwide, they did not achieve success overnight. This article briefly analyzes these mechanisms to highlight certain key aspects that policymakers, in Mexico and elsewhere, should bear in mind when implementing systems like the CEOM.</p></div><div><p>El presente documento aborda las principales características del Mercado de Obligaciones de Energías Limpias (el ‘Mercado’), así como la injerencia de la nueva Ley de Transición Energética, como una política central de la Reforma Energética de 2013, en México. El Mercado pretende incentivar el incremento en la capacidad de energías limpias exigiendo a los consumidores calificaos y suministradores obtener certificados de energías limpias, los cuales corresponden a electricidad producida a través de fuentes renovables (tales como fuentes eólicas, solares, mareomotrices, geotérmicas y bioenergéticas). Mecanismos similares han sido implementados de forma exitosa en diversos países, sin embargo, su éxito ha sido el resultado de un esfuerzo constante. El presente provee un breve análisis acerca de los aspectos clave que tanto reguladores como legisladores, ya sea en México o en otras jurisdicciones, deben procurar para implementar de forma exitosa sistemas como el Mercado.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"9 1","pages":"Pages 81-90"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"THE NULL-VOTE: A DESPERATE CRY FOR DEMOCRACY IN MEXICO","authors":"Patricia Sánchez Cámara","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.006","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.006","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Derived from the analysis of several election processes carried out within the last two decades, we have to ask ourselves whether there actually exists a democracy in Mexico, and if so, if it's society is really being listened to by its government. The reality is that the number of null-votes in election processes has increased over the years, without it having any impact whatsoever in the country's politics. In fact, the null-vote seems to have a sole and simple purpose: to express the discontent that reigns over the candidates of the political parties and the federal government in general. However, no action has been taken to legitimate this petition, which makes us wonder if a real democracy can exist in a system where the goverment do not hear their people. The purpose of this comment is to analyze the effects of an null-vote within the country and determine if there is a way to force the authorities to listen to this evident desire of the people to obtain better politicians and, therefore, better governors.</p></div><div><p>Tras la observación de varios de los procesos electorales que se llevaron a cabo en las últimas dos décadas, debemos preguntarnos si en realidad existe una democracia de facto en México y, si la hay, si la sociedad es realmente escuchada por su gobierno. La realidad es que la cantidad de votos nulos en los procesos electorales ha incrementado con el paso de los años sin que parezca tener ningún impacto en la política del país. De hecho, los votos nulos parecen tener un único y simple propósito: Expresar a los Partidos Políticos y al gobierno el descontento general que existe hacia los candidatos. Sin embargo, ninguna acción se ha tomado para legitimar esta petición, lo que nos hace preguntarnos si puede existir una verdadera democracia en un sistema donde los gobernantes no escuchan a su gente. El propósito de este ensayo es, precisamente, el de analizar los efectos que tienen los votos nulos dentro del país y determinar si existe alguna manera de obligar a las autoridades a escuchar este evidente deseo de la gente por obtener mejores políticos y, por lo tanto, mejores gobernantes.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"9 1","pages":"Pages 103-117"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"THE DIGITAL DIVIDE IN MEXICO: A MIRROR OF POVERTY","authors":"Juan Manuel Mecinas Montiel","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.005","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.005","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>The Mexican digital divide is a problem of inequality that also reflects the poverty of certain cities/areas/groups in Mexico. This note analyzes the digital divide in Mexico, as well as the legal and constitutional efforts the Mexican government has made to breach it. In 2013 and 2014, the government approved an important constitutional amendment and other legal reforms in an attempt to solve this problem with a new fiber optic network and new institutional actors. By setting up a new infrastructure, private actors will be able to offer better broadband Internet services. Nevertheless, these efforts will not benefit those who are not Internet users: the have-nots.</p></div><div><p>La brecha digital es un problema de desigualdad y que también refleja la pobreza de diversos(as) grupos/áreas/ciudades en el país. Este texto intenta analizar la brecha digital en México y los esfuerzos constitucionales y legales del gobierno mexicano para cerrarla. Durante 2013 y 2014, el gobierno aprobó distintas reformas constitucionales y legales que intentan resolver este problema con una nueva red fibra óptica y con nuevas instituciones. Se trata de una nueva infraestructura que permitirá a actores privados ofrecer mejores servicios de internet de banda ancha. Sin embargo, estos esfuerzos no beneficiarán a quienes no son usuarios de la red, los have-nots.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"9 1","pages":"Pages 93-102"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"CHALLENGING THE CENTRALIST DOCTRINE IN MEXICAN FAMILY LAW: AN ANALYSIS OF THE EVOLUTION OF STATE AUTHORITY OVER CIVIL LAW MATTERS AND ITS IMPACT ON THE REGULATION OF COHABITATION AND DIVORCE","authors":"Graciela Jasa Silveira","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.003","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.003","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This article addresses the need for debate about the concepts of federalism, centralization, decentralization and sovereignty within the context of Mexican comparative and family law. Until recently, private law and family law scholars have generally dismissed the issue of federalism within Mexico, largely because of the belief that Mexico is not “really” federalist given its strong tendency toward political and legal centralism. Despite this preconception —and the fact that Mexico does have a highly centralized federal system— a deeper analysis shows that states and sub-national jurisdictions have played a critical role in shaping the contours of family law and influencing the state-federal relationship. This article argues that the centralist doctrine that so permeates scholarly works on private law in Mexico —if not addressed and revised both for the past and present— risks undermining attempts at understanding legal change and improving Mexican family law.</p></div><div><p>Este artículo es evidencia de la necesidad de situar debates de federalismo, descentralización, centralización y soberanía en el contexto de derecho comparado y derecho familiar. Hasta hace poco, académicos de derecho privado y familiar han desestimado la cuestión del federalismo. Esta desestimación se ha basado en la creencia generalizada de que en México no existe un verdadero federalismo dado el alto grado de centralismo político y jurídico que ha primado en el país. Sin embargo, un análisis más a fondo muestra que, a pesar del sistema federal centralizado, los estados y jurisdicciones sub-nacionales han jugado un papel igualmente importante a la hora de definir la política sobre derecho familiar y las relaciones entre federación y estados. Este trabajo argumenta, que la doctrina de centralismo que tanto permea la forma en que pensamos sobre derecho privado en México es una narrativa peligrosa que —de no ser abordada o revisada de alguna manera, en términos del pasado o del presente— puede socavar esfuerzos para entender el cambio jurídico y mejorar el derecho familiar en México.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"9 1","pages":"Pages 45-79"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"THE RIGHT TO THE TRUTH AS AN AUTONOMOUS RIGHT UNDER THE INTER-AMERICAN HUMAN RIGHTS SYSTEM","authors":"Eduardo Ferrer Mac-Gregor","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.007","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.007","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>The evolution of Inter-American Court case law and the advances made by international bodies and instruments, as well as those in domestic legislation, clearly reveal that the right to the truth is now recognized as an autonomous and independent right. Although this right is not expressly included in the American Convention, it does not prevent the Inter-American Court from being able to examine any alleged violation of this right, and declaring that it has been violated, according to Article 29 of the Pact of San José. The author of this opinion considers that although the right to the truth is mainly related to the right of access to justice derived from Articles 8 and 25 of the American Convention, it should not necessarily remain subsumed in the examination of the other violations of the rights to the judicial guarantees and judicial protection that were declared in a case because this understanding encourages the distortion of the essence and intrinsic content of each right. The author considers that the Inter-American Court should reconsider its criteria regarding the fact that the right to the truth is necessarily “subsumed” in the victims’ and their families’ right to have the competent State bodies elucidate the violations and corresponding responsibilities, in order to proceed, when appropriate, to declare its violation as an autonomous and independent right. This would clarify the content, dimensions and true scope of the right to know the truth.</p></div><div><p>Del avance jurisprudencial de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos y del desarrollo de los órganos e instrumentos internacionales y ordenamientos jurídicos internos, se desprende con claridad que el derecho a la verdad actualmente es reconocido como un derecho autónomo e independiente. Si bien el referido derecho no se encuentra contenido de forma expresa en la Convención Americana, ello no impide que la Corte Interamericana pueda examinar una alegada violación al respecto y declarar su violación, de conformidad con los alcances del artículo 20 del Pacto de San José. El autor considera que el derecho a la verdad si bien está relacionado principalmente con el derecho de acceso a la justicia —derivado de los artículos 8 y 25 de la Convención—, no debe necesariamente quedar subsumido en el examen realizado en las demás violaciones a los derechos referentes a las garantías judiciales y de protección judicial ya que este entendimiento propicia la desnaturalización, esencia y contenido propio de cada derecho. Lo anterior clarificaría el contenido, dimensiones y verdaderos alcances del derecho a conocer la verdad.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"9 1","pages":"Pages 121-139"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.09.007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"ONE NORM, TWO MODELS. LEGAL ENFORCEMENT OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES","authors":"Karina Ansolabehere","doi":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.004","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.004","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>In the 21st century, the international community has assumed the responsibility of protecting individuals and groups from unlawful human rights abuse. This article analyzes the political tensions faced by domestic courts when they attempt to enforce international human rights norms. After presenting divergent models, it analyzes how multilateral norms relate to both the nation's domestic law and its foreign policy. It then examines two models of human rights enforcement, followed by a comparison of the Mexican and U.S. models. This comparison shows that although both countries presented different approaches (one from within, USA; and one from the outside, Mexico) both of them enforce the norm of international responsibility to protect.</p></div><div><p>Hoy los derechos humanos son una política global sustentada en la responsabilidad de la comunidad internacional de proteger a personas y grupos de abusos. Una de las políticas para hacerla efectiva ha sido el legal enforcement. Este artículo analiza las tensiones políticas que enfrentan los poderes judiciales domésticos cuando asumen la responsabilidad de proteger derechos humanos en la medida en que los ubica como actores no sólo de la política doméstica sino también de la internacional. Poniendo el énfasis en diferentes líneas de política judicial que pueden tener lugar, en primer término se analizan los vínculos entre las diferentes jurisdicciones legales de derechos humanos mostrando la importancia estratégica de los poderes judiciales domésticos y en segundo lugar se analizan dos modelos de legal enforcement de derechos humanos el de México y el de Estados Unido de los que se sostiene que si bien son diferentes constituyen formas de hacer efectiva la regla de la responsabilidad internacional de protección una desde adentro y otra desde afuera respectivamente, evidenciando las tensiones políticas que deben enfrentar en estos escenarios.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":41684,"journal":{"name":"Mexican Law Review","volume":"8 2","pages":"Pages 93-129"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1016/j.mexlaw.2016.07.004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"54829053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}