Taiwan Journal of Linguistics最新文献_第9页

Hakka Verbs of Removal: Integration of Verbal Meanings and [VX] Constructions 客家移动动词:语义与[VX]结构的整合

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Taiwan Journal of Linguistics Pub Date : 2007-12-01 DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2007.5(2).1

P. Liao, Huei-ling Lai

引用次数: 0

Nominal Predicates in Mandarin Chinese 普通话的名谓语

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Taiwan Journal of Linguistics Pub Date : 2007-12-01 DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2007.5(2).4

魏廷冀, Ting-Chi Wei

引用次数: 10

PROBLEMS OF ANALYZING CONSONANT-TONE INTERACTION IN THAI: A REPLY TO RUANGJAROON 泰语辅音相互作用分析中的几个问题——对阮家龙的回复

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Taiwan Journal of Linguistics Pub Date : 2007-12-01 DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2007.5(2).3

Tsung-Ying Chen

引用次数: 1

Ungrammatical Affixed Words in the Huojia Dialect 霍家方言中不符合语法的附词

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Taiwan Journal of Linguistics Pub Date : 2007-06-01 DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2007.5(1).1

林燕慧, Yen-Hwei Lin

{"title":"Ungrammatical Affixed Words in the Huojia Dialect","authors":"林燕慧, Yen-Hwei Lin","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2007.5(1).1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2007.5(1).1","url":null,"abstract":"D-words in the Huojia dialect all occur without a coda consonant or an off-glide and in some cases a mid vowel is added (He 1989, Lin 1993). Huojia D-word formation has been analyzed as having an underlying D-suffix // and an output template that bans codas and complex nuclei (Lin 2001a). Some roots, however, have no D-word counterparts, and the generalization is that any root that ends in a non-high nuclear vowel cannot have a D-word. Within Optimality Theory (OT, Prince and Smolensky 1993), two major proposals have been put forward to account for absolute ungrammaticality. The first is the MPARSE analysis (Prince and Smolensky 1993), in which the constraint MPARSE (which demands that the output must have a morphological structure) is ranked below relevant markedness constraints, and the Null Parse (an output that is phonetically unrealized because of the lack of a morphological structure) is then selected. The second is proposed by Orgun and Sprouse (1999) in which a component called CONTROL acts as a filter to check the grammaticality of the output selected by constraint evaluation in OT. This paper offers an account of the ungrammatical forms under Huojia D-word formation and argues that the CONTROL model is better able to capture the generalizations that a D-word cannot have a coda consonant/glide and that the absence of a D-word results from the requirement that a D-word must be distinct from its root.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2007-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

The Syntactic Derivations of Split Antecedent Relative Clause Constructions 分离的先行关系从句结构的句法衍生

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Taiwan Journal of Linguistics Pub Date : 2007-06-01 DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2007.5(1).2

N. Zhang

引用次数: 22

Bu 'Not' in Mandarin Chinese: A Lexical Stative Negator 但是汉语中的“不”:一个词汇静态否定词

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Taiwan Journal of Linguistics Pub Date : 2006-12-01 DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).2

林惠玲, Huei-Ling Lin

{"title":"Bu 'Not' in Mandarin Chinese: A Lexical Stative Negator","authors":"林惠玲, Huei-Ling Lin","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).2","url":null,"abstract":"Bu as a negator in Mandarin Chinese cannot co-occur with an aspect marker such as le. Moreover, bu cannot occur with the first verb in a descriptive/resultative construction. Huang (1988) suggests that the sequences [bu V le] and [bu descriptive/resultative construction] are ruled out for semantic reasons. That is, bu is first attached to V and then le is attached to the negated verb. Such a sequence [[bu-V]-le] is semantically absurd since the event that has not happened cannot be said to have been completed. [Bu descriptive/resultative construction] is ruled out for similar semantic reasons. The problem this paper proposes to tackle is: At which level is bu attached to V? Two arguments may be posited for the proposal that bu is lexically attached to V. The first argument comes from a consideration of the status of both bu and le and it is shown that only when bu is attached to V in the lexicon can the ungrammatical sequence [bu V le] be explained. Further evidence comes from the focus/contrast markers, shi and bu-shi, which have a flexible distribution. If bu is lexically attached to shi and then together bu-shi is inserted as a focus/contrast marker, then the flexible distribution can be explained. Throughout the discussion, it will be shown that bu can be the manifestation of bu alone, bu-Modal, or bu-shi. That is, unlike what it appears to be, bu is not just bu.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 3

Lexicase Points with Taiwanese VR Constructions 台湾VR建筑的词法点

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Taiwan Journal of Linguistics Pub Date : 2006-12-01 DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).4

Khinhuann Li

{"title":"Lexicase Points with Taiwanese VR Constructions","authors":"Khinhuann Li","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).4","url":null,"abstract":"VR (resultative verb) 1 constructions are most generally treated as compounds or verbs plus complements by Chinese linguists. In this paper, I would like to question the validity of this analysis with reference to the example of Taiwanese VR constructions, and propose and justify an alternative analysis within the lexicase dependency framework. A Taiwanese VR construction is a single word, and not a compound, which is different from the traditional analysis that views a VR as a compound composed of two verbs. In this paper I claim that a Taiwanese VR is in fact a single word composed of a verb and a derivational suffix. It has been claimed that differences in the distribution of the object of VR forms depends on whether the object is definite or not. For example, an indefinite object has to be positioned after the VR construction (i.e., VR + O). The distribution of the objects is claimed to be more flexible if they are definite (e.g., O + VR). However, in this paper I would like to account for this phenomenon purely in terms of the transitivity of the resultative verbs. The transitive VR constructions take the nouns that follow them as their dependents and assign accusative case form to them. If the dependent object comes before the VR construction, a so-called disposal marker kā is required; otherwise, no accusative case form will be assigned, and the sentence will be ill-formed. Intransitive VR constructions cannot have their dependents following them simply because no accusative case form can be assigned to them.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

Consonant-Tone Interaction in Thai: An OT Analysis 泰语的辅音语调互动:一个OT分析

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Taiwan Journal of Linguistics Pub Date : 2006-12-01 DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).1

Sugunya Ruangjaroon

{"title":"Consonant-Tone Interaction in Thai: An OT Analysis","authors":"Sugunya Ruangjaroon","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).1","url":null,"abstract":"Thai tones have traditionally been characterized in terms of a correlation between tones and syllable type (Gandour 1974, Tumtavitikul 1993, Intrasri 2001, Morin and Zsiga 2006). However, I show that a more interesting set of observations can be made on the distribution of Thai tones in which they can be explained as a consequence of consonant-tone interaction within an OT framework. The observations are that unaspirated stops are not compatible with a high tone vowel in the nucleus. An obstruent coda has the effect of shortening the vowel in the nucleus, something that is testable via phonetic experimentation. This shortening effect places a burden on either phonetic perception or production, so that the five-way contrast is neutralized to a two-way contrast. The shortening effect places an especially strong burden on contour tones, so these tones are preferably excluded from the two-way contrast. The best two-way contrast among the three level tones is a simple high-low contrast, which is more readily perceivable than a low-mid or high-mid contrast. I also show that unaspirated obstruents prefer to be adjacent to a non-high tone. Unaspirated coda are allowed to be adjacent to a preceding high tone in a short vowel, but a long vowel presents an opportunity to insert a low tone on the second tone bearing unit, thus producing a two-way contrast between low and falling tone instead. This insertion of a low tone is done in order to avoid a situation where a high tone vowel would be adjacent to the unaspirated consonant. A high-tone vowel-unaspirated coda sequence would result otherwise. It is argued that the attested patterns of consonant-tone interaction in Thai are captured by conjoining two markedness constraints in addition to the simple markedness constraints.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 11

TONE ERRORS IN NORMAL AND APHASIC SPEECH IN MANDARIN 普通话正常语音和失语语音中的声调错误

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Taiwan Journal of Linguistics Pub Date : 2006-12-01 DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).3

I-Ping Wan

引用次数: 1

ON THE STATUS OF THE COMPLEMENTIZER WAA6 IN CANTONESE 广东话中补语waa6的地位

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Taiwan Journal of Linguistics Pub Date : 2006-06-01 DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2006.4(1).1

Ka-wai. Yeung

引用次数: 19