{"title":"Representing scales: Degree result clauses and emphaticnegative polarity items in Romanian","authors":"Monica-Mihaela Rizea, M. Sailer","doi":"10.21248/hpsg.2019.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2019.5","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The paper proposes a representational re-encoding of the scalar, pragmatic accounts of NPI licensing within the framework of Lexical Resource Semantics (LRS). The analysis focuses on a less researched distribution pattern: emphatic NPIs occurring in result clause constructions that receive an intensification reading. We will provide a scalar extension of a standard semantic account of result clauses to capture the high degree interpretations. Our investigation will also offer new insights on NPI licensing in embedded clauses. We will primarily consider Romanian data.","PeriodicalId":388937,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123012969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The complexities of the Welsh copula","authors":"B. Borsley","doi":"10.21248/hpsg.2019.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2019.1","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The Welsh copula has a complex set of forms reflecting agreement, tense, polarity, the distinction between main and complement clauses, the presence of a gap as subject or complement, and the contrast between predicative and equative interpretations. An HPSG analysis of the full set of complexities is possible given a principle of blocking, whereby constraints with more specific antecedents take precedence over constraints with less specific antecedents, and a distinction between morphosyntactic features relevant to syntax and morphosyntactic features relevant to morphology.","PeriodicalId":388937,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131276211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Sign language agreement: A constraint-based perspective","authors":"Anke Holler, M. Steinbach","doi":"10.21248/hpsg.2018.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2018.4","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The paper addresses verbal agreement in German sign language from a constraint-based perspective. Based on Meir's Agreement Morphology Principles it presents an HPSG analysis of plain, regular and backwards agreement verbs that models the interaction between phonological (manual) features and syntactico-semantic relationships within a verbal sign by well-defined lexical restrictions. We argue that a sign-based declarative analysis can provide an elegant approach to agreement in sign language since it allows to exploit cross-modular constraints within grammar, and hence permits a direct manipulation of all relevant phonological features of a verb depending on its syntactic and semantic properties.","PeriodicalId":388937,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar","volume":"205 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121285020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Deriving reversal in Old French nominal inflection","authors":"Berthold Crysmann, A. Kihm","doi":"10.21248/hpsg.2018.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2018.2","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In this paper, we study Old French declension, a system which exhibits\u0000the theoretically challenging phenomenon of morphological reversal (Baerman,\u00002007). Furthermore, the declension system of Old French only recognises a\u0000single exponent -s, which marks different case/number combinations in different\u0000paradigms, contrasting with the unmarked form. We show that reversal is only\u0000one of several syncretism patterns found in the language and propose that Old\u0000French declension is best understood in terms of two systematic syncretisms: a\u0000natural split between singular and plural for feminines, and a Paninian split for\u0000masculines that systematically marks the objective plural. Reversal, and other\u0000seemingly morphomic splits arise as a result of idiosyncrasy in the\u0000NOM.SG cell, comprising inflection class-specific s-marking, as well as stem alternation and\u0000overabundance. We provide a formal analysis in terms of Information-based\u0000Morphology (Crysmann & Bonami, 2016) that effortlessly captures the systematic splits,\u0000as well as the variation in the nominative singular. We suggest\u0000that the high degree of idiosyncrasy in this cell paired with the reduced frequency of overt\u0000nominative NPs when compared to objective NPs may serve\u0000to explain why the system was actually quite short-lived.","PeriodicalId":388937,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128147440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nominalized clauses in the grammar matrix","authors":"Kristen Howell, Olga Zamaraeva, Emily M. Bender","doi":"10.21248/hpsg.2018.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2018.5","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000We present an analysis of clausal nominalization developed in the context of the LinGO Grammar Matrix (Bender et al., 2002, 2010) to support the addition of subordinate clauses to the grammar customization framework. In particular, we examine the typological variation of nominalized clausal complements and nominalized clausal modifiers. To account for the range of variation in nominalized clauses across the world's languages and to support linguists in exploring alternative analyses, we propose a flexible library of analyses, allowing nominalization of the clause to occur at the V, VP or S level.","PeriodicalId":388937,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125756905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The fine structure of clausal right-node raising constructions in Japanese","authors":"Shûichi Yatabe, Kei Tanigawa","doi":"10.21248/hpsg.2018.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2018.11","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000We examine the fine structure of clausal right-node raising constructions in Japanese, and argue that there are sentences in which a tensed verb is right-node-raised out of coordinated tensed clauses as well as sentences in which a verb stem is right-node-raised out of coordinated tenseless phrases. In the latter case, the tense morpheme has to be assumed to take a tenseless complement clause, and we note that the existence of such a structure contradicts the so-called lexicalist hypothesis, according to which a verb stem and the tense morpheme immediately following it always form a morphosyntactic constituent.","PeriodicalId":388937,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124326647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A construction-based analysis of Dutch verb clusters","authors":"Liesbeth Augustinus","doi":"10.21248/hpsg.2018.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2018.1","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Dutch is well-known for the formation of verb clusters. A characteristic aspect of such constructions is that the order of the verbs may differ from the order in which they are selected. Across the Dutch language area verb clusters show different types of word order variation. This paper proposes a constructivist account of word order variation in Dutch verb clusters. Linearization is not modelled in terms of the GVOR feature, after Kathol (2000). Instead, it relies on the bidimensional phrase hierarchy initiated by Ginzburg & Sag (2000), which is extended for the analysis of constructions with verb clusters. This proposal accounts for the most common instances of word order variation in Dutch verb clusters, and it can be easily adapted to model a specific variety or dialect.","PeriodicalId":388937,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133474818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Symmetry and asymmetry in the Hebrew copula construction","authors":"Nurit Melnik","doi":"10.21248/hpsg.2018.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2018.7","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The copula construction in Hebrew has received much attention in the linguistic literature. Nevertheless, one non-canonical variant has been largely neglected. In this variant the copula, flanked by two NPs, exhibits agreement with the post-copular NP, contrary to the canonical variant, where the agreement controller is the initial NP. This phenomenon challenges the notion of subject and its relation to agreement. The current corpus-based study investigates the word order and agreement patterns exhibited by the Hebrew copular constructions and shows that their distribution is largely motivated by information structure considerations. The proposed analysis accounts for the syntactic symmetry and semantic asymmetry between the two NPs.","PeriodicalId":388937,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar","volume":"1998 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128233515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Korean and Spanish psych-verbs: Interaction of case, theta-roles, linearization, and event structure in HPSG","authors":"Antonio Machicao y Priemer, Paola Fritz-Huechante","doi":"10.21248/hpsg.2018.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2018.10","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In this paper, we argue that by making a more detailed distinction of theta-roles, while at the same time investigating the correlation of case marking, theta-role assignment, and eventuality types, we can describe different psych-verb subclasses and explain their alignment patterns in Spanish and Korean. We propose a neo-Davidsonian treatment of psych-verbs in HPSG that allows us to account for the underspecification of theta-roles which are modeled in an inheritance hierarchy for semantic relations. By assuming linking properties modeled lexically, we can constrain the properties for psych-verbs which shows the mapping of semantic arguments (i.e. experiencer, stimulus-causer, subject matter and target) to the elements in the argument structure. The type hierarchy and lexical rules proposed here capture the alternation in case marking not only of the experiencer (as traditionally assumed in the literature), but also of the stimulus. This analysis leads us to a new fourfold classification of psych-verbs for both languages.","PeriodicalId":388937,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127526723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Valence-changing morphology via lexical rule composition","authors":"Christian M. Curtis","doi":"10.21248/hpsg.2018.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2018.3","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000I describe an analysis of valence-changing verbal morphology implemented as a library extending the LinGO Grammar Matrix customization system. This analysis is based on decomposition of these operations into rule components, which in turn are expressed as lexical rule supertypes that implement specific, isolatable constraints. I also show how common variations of these constraints can be abstracted and parameterized by their axes of variation. I then demonstrate how these constraints can be recomposed in various combinations to provide broad coverage of the typological variation of valence change found in the world’s languages. I evaluate the coverage of this library on five held-out world languages that exhibit\u0000these phenomena, achieving 79% coverage and 2% overgeneration.","PeriodicalId":388937,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115705286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}