{"title":"Mycenaean Reflexes of *r̥ and the Numeral ‘Four’","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004469747_003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004469747_003","url":null,"abstract":"It is widely assumed that the regular reflex of interconsonantal *r̥ in Mycenaean was ‐ro‐, or that both ‐ro‐ and ‐or‐were possible outcomes. In this chapter, I will argue that this assumption is incorrect: in Linear B, the reflex is regularly spelled with one sign of the shape ⟨Co-⟩, which can only represent an outcome ‐or‐ or unchanged ‐r̥‐. Beforewe are in a position to evaluate theMycenaeanmaterial, the evidence must be sifted. I will start in section 2.2 by reconsidering forms in which the reflex is supposed to be spelled with signs of the a-series, evaluating the treatment byGarcía Ramón (1985). In section 2.3, I will presentwhat I consider to be plausible evidence for the reflex *r̥ written with signs of the o-series, and separate this from irrelevant evidence and interpretations that I consider to be less plausible or uncertain. On this basis, I will reconsider two remaining issues: the relationship between o-series spellings of the reflex and a few incidental a-series spellings (section 2.4), as well as the apparent fluctuation between spellings of the types ⟨Co-⟩ and ⟨Co-ro-⟩ (section 2.5). Three proposals by previous scholarswill be reviewed: the case for an irregular liquidmetathesismade by Risch andHajnal on several occasions; the idea of Heubeck (1972) that r̥was preserved in Mycenaean, and finally, the proposal of an accent-conditioned development, revived by Klingenschmitt (1974). In sections 2.6 and 2.7 I provide a detailed account of theMycenaean and Alphabetic Greek reflexes of the numeral ‘four’.","PeriodicalId":236441,"journal":{"name":"The Reflexes of Syllabic Liquids in Ancient Greek","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128485161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reflexes of *r̥ in καρτερός, κράτος and Related Forms","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004469747_006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004469747_006","url":null,"abstract":"Among the evidence for the regular outcome of *r̥ in Ionic-Attic, the root of καρτερός, κρατύς, κράτος and related forms is of crucial importance. Several formations have doublets, the most prominent ones being καρτερός ~ κρατερός, κράτος ~ κάρτος, and κράτιστος ~ κάρτιστος. In chapter 1, we have seen that the formswith ‐αρ‐ are troublesome for accounts arguing for a regular development *r̥ > ‐ρα‐ in Proto-Ionic, in view of the full grade attested inAeol. κρέτος and Ion. κρέσσων. Indeed, by a process familiar from chapter 4, forms like κράτος have secondarily introduced an analogical zero grade κρατ‐ from a related adjective, replacing the original full grade κρετ‐. This is a very important argument for viewing ‐αρ‐ as the regular reflex. However, the analysis of doublets like καρτερός ~ κρατερός is complicated by two issues thatmust be clarified beforewe draw this conclusion. One approach to suchdoublets has been to claim that κρατ‐ andκαρτ‐were freely interchangeable allomorphs.1 This is inmy view an adhoc strategy designed to save the idea of a regular development *r̥ > ‐ρα‐. For one thing, it does not explain why doublets are attested only for a subset of the attested formations. For instance, the adjective κραταιός has no by-form *καρταιός, in spite of the fact that using κραταιός in hexametrical Greek necessitated the use ofmuta cum liquida scansion, an uncommon phenomenon in Homer. Moreover, some variants appear to be limited to specific genres: for example, κρατερός never occurs in prose. Apparently, then, doubles with καρτ‐ beside κρατ‐ could be created only under certain conditions. One main goal of this chapter is to show, by a fresh etymological analysis of the evidence, in which respective formations the root shapes κρατ‐ and καρτ‐ originated and by which mechanisms they spread. This analysis is reinforced by a close consideration of synchronic derivational relations: once we take the lexical meanings of base form and derivative into account, wemay infer withmore plausibility that certain formations were analogically or even artificially created in the epic language. For instance, we will see that the epic form κάρτος is only used as an adjectival abstract meaning","PeriodicalId":236441,"journal":{"name":"The Reflexes of Syllabic Liquids in Ancient Greek","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130318876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Remaining Issues Concerning *r̥","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004469747_010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004469747_010","url":null,"abstract":"Thepreceding chapters haveprovideduswith the frameworkwithinwhich various kinds of remaining evidence for *r̥ can be discussed. The purpose of the present chapter is to tie up these loose ends. First, I will discuss three sorts of potential counterevidence against a regular reflex ‐αρ‐ in Ionic-Attic: words with ‐ρα‐ < *r̥ before ‐σ‐ (section 9.1), three problematic verbs with a root of the structure CraC‐ (section 9.2), and some possible evidence for o-vocalism in Ionic-Attic (section 9.3). Next, I will look at the evidence for two special environments in all dialects: *‐r̥‐before nasals (section 9.4) and word-final *‐r̥ (section 9.5), in both cases with special attention to relative chronology. Further possible evidence for the reflex ‐αρ‐ in isolated nominal formations is gathered in section 9.6, where some additional examples are presented. Finally, I will give an overview of remaining evidence that can be left aside for various reasons (section 9.7).","PeriodicalId":236441,"journal":{"name":"The Reflexes of Syllabic Liquids in Ancient Greek","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131021527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reflexes of *r̥ and *l̥ in ‘Caland’ Formations","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004469747_005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004469747_005","url":null,"abstract":"θάρσος already in Homer. However, we have seen (section 4.2.3) that the basis for this derivation, as early as Homer, is very slim. The main question 128 This was first proposed by Chantraine (delg, s.v. θάρσος): “Le verbe dénominatif confirmerait l’ existence de *θαρσύς et se présente sous deux formes: θαρσύνω (att. θαρρ‐) «encourager, donner confiance», etc. (Hom., ion.-att., etc.) et θρασύνω «encourager», qui se dit généralement d’une audace imprudente ou impudente (Aesch. Ag. 222, Th. 1.142), surtout employé au passif et aumoyen, le plus souvent aumauvaise part, cf. Ar.Gren. 846, etc.” Although I concurwithChantraine concerning the priority of *θαρσύς, I disagreewith his claim that *θαρσύς and θρασύςwere simply doublets: “... la forme [θρασύς] pouvant être analogique de θαρσύς (attesté en composition) qui présente le traitement ‐αρ‐ de *r̥, θέρσος, etc. (...).” For this, Chantraine refers to Lejeune (1972), who ascribes the double reflex of *r̥ to liquid metathesis. Lucien van Beek 9789004469747 Downloaded from Brill.com11/10/2021 08:58:48PM via free access","PeriodicalId":236441,"journal":{"name":"The Reflexes of Syllabic Liquids in Ancient Greek","volume":"176 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122093274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reflexes of *r̥ and muta cum liquida in Epic Greek","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004469747_007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004469747_007","url":null,"abstract":"So far, we have encountered several compelling pieces of evidence for a regular development *r̥ > ‐αρ‐ in Ionic-Attic: τέταρτος, ταρφύς, καρτερός, and κάρτα. Furthermore, many formswith either ‐ρα‐ or ‐αρ‐ could be explained as analogical: u-stem adjectives such as κρατύς, πλατύς, βραχύς, s-stem nouns and adjectives like κράτος, θάρσος, and forms of comparison such as κράτιστος. In addition to this, wenoted that epic forms like κάρτος and κάρτιστοςwere artificially created. However, a body of forms remains where ‐ρα‐ must be the uninterrupted reflex of *r̥, as an analogical reshaping is simply not conceivable. Our main remaining task is to account for these forms. The evidence includes, among other forms, the aorists ἔδρακον and ἔπραθον (contrast δέρκομαι, πέρθω), the aorist subjunctive τραπείομεν of τέρπομαι ‘to enjoy oneself ’, the verbal noun δρατός ‘flayed’ (contrast δέρω), the adjective θρασύς (contrast θέρσος, and cf. chapter 4); and isolated words like τράπεζα and στρατός. Upon closer inspection, it appears thatmany such formswith ‐ρα‐ < *r̥ occur exclusively in poetry, and in EpicGreek in particular.1Moreover, when there are variant forms with ‐ρα‐ and ‐αρ‐, it is often possible to establish a distribution between these reflexes, as illustrated in Table 12 (next page). In all these cases, the forms with ‐ρα‐ are found exclusively in poetry, mostly in Epic Greek, and ‐αρ‐ is the only reflex found in Ionic and/or Attic prose texts. The forms with ‐ρα‐ are normally considered phonological archaisms that were preserved because of their metrical utility. Upon this view, forms like καρτερός, τέταρτος, and καρδίη allegedly arose by analogy in the Ionic vernacular(s) and were then introduced into Epic Greek, where they supplied metrical alternatives for the older forms with ‐ρα‐. As we have seen in the previous chapters, however, it is impossible to view καρτερός and τέταρτος as analogical or otherwise secondary formations: they must contain the regular outcome of *r̥. I will now first argue that the same holds for καρδίη / καρδία.","PeriodicalId":236441,"journal":{"name":"The Reflexes of Syllabic Liquids in Ancient Greek","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133125078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reflexes of *r̥ in the Alphabetic Dialects","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004469747_004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004469747_004","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter discusses and evaluates the evidence for the regular outcome of *r̥ in the alphabetic Greek dialects other than Ionic-Attic.1 The first aim is to determine under which conditions and in which dialects o-colored reflexes are regular. There is currently no consensus on this matter. The case for a-colored reflexes in dialects like Arcadian and Cypriot has been overstated: Morpurgo Davies (1968), though an influential treatment, suffers from a lack of clarity about Pan-Greek developments that yielded ‐αρ‐ at an early date, such as those involving laryngeals. This issue has been clarified by previous scholars (García Ramón 1985, Haug 2002) andwill not be discussed in all its details here. The second main aim is to determine, for each dialect, the regular place of the anaptyctic vowel. Surprisingly, only few previous discussions have paid attention to this issue: themain focus is usually on determining the vowel color of the regular reflex. There is a broadly-shared presupposition that the apparent hesitation between ‐αρ‐ and ‐ρα‐ in Ionic-Attic was also characteristic of other Greek dialects. In fact, some scholars suppose that in most lexemes the place of the anaptyctic shwawas fixed already in Proto-Greek; this shwawould have merged with /a/ or /o/ later, depending on the dialect and in some cases on further phonetic conditioning factors. However, in the previous chapter we encountered examples where the dialects have a diverging vowel slot in the same etymon, e.g. Hom. τέτρατος, Thess. πετροτος ‘fourth’ as opposed to Ion.Att. τέταρτος, Arc. τετορτος.Moreover, we have seen that the regularMycenaean reflex of *r̥ was either ‐or‐ or preserved ‐r̥‐, and that there is no need to assume","PeriodicalId":236441,"journal":{"name":"The Reflexes of Syllabic Liquids in Ancient Greek","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127206001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Reflexes of *l̥","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004469747_011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004469747_011","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter discusses the developments affecting the lateral liquid when it served as a syllabic nucleus. There can be no doubt that the Proto-Ionic reflex of *l ̥was a-colored. The mainstream view is that ‐λα‐ is the regular outcome; the main aim of this chapter is to examine whether *l ̥> ‐αλ‐ can be excluded, still keeping in mind that there was an early vocalization to ‐αλ‐ in some environments (e.g. before laryngeal plus vowel, cf. section 1.2.1). The fact that there is much less evidence for *l ̥ than for *r̥ makes it difficult to draw clear-cut conclusions. As we will see, many potential examples are inconclusive for various reasons: the etymology is not compelling (section 10.1), the full grade vowel slot may have been levelled (section 10.2), or *l ̥ is not reflected directly for another reason (section 10.3). A number of strong pieces of evidence for *l ̥> ‐λα‐ are discussed in section 10.4, and the possibility of a special development *l ̥> ‐αλ‐ before nasals is examined in section 10.5. Finally, the scanty evidence from other dialects is treated in section 10.6.","PeriodicalId":236441,"journal":{"name":"The Reflexes of Syllabic Liquids in Ancient Greek","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128973157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Greek Reflexes of *r̥ and *l̥","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004469747_002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004469747_002","url":null,"abstract":"Themain aim of this book is to establish the regular reflexes of the syllabic liquids *r̥ and *l ̥in all AncientGreek dialects, includingMycenaean.These sounds were inherited by Proto-Greek from Proto-Indo-European as allophones of /r/ and /l/ in a number of phonological environments.1 All first millenniumGreek dialects have lost *r̥ and *l,̥ as did most other Indo-European languages upon their first attestation. However, Proto-Greek must have retained them because the alphabetic dialects showvarious different reflexes of *r̥ and *l.̥ For example, the Proto-Greek thematic aorist *amr̥t-e/o‐ ‘to miss, fail’ is continued in IonicAttic as ἥμαρτον, inf. ἁμαρτεῖν, but in Lesbian as inf. αμβροτην (epigraphically)2 and ind. ἄμβροτε (Sapph.). Proto-Greek *tr̥pedia̯ ‘table’ is reflected as to-pe-za in Mycenaean, but as τράπεζα in alphabetic Greek from Homer onwards. Questions that a historical linguist may ask regarding such forms are: what conditioned the difference between the reflexes ‐αρ‐ (ἁμαρτεῖν) and ‐ρα‐ (τράπεζα)? What does the Mycenaean form to-pe-za represent phonologically and phonetically?Why does Lesbian have a reflex ‐ρο‐ in ἄμβροτε, but ‐αρ‐ or ‐ρα‐ in several other forms? Is the o-reflex, in those dialects where we find it, subject to phonological conditioning or is it found across the board? The bibliography on the syllabic liquids in Greek is large, and not every previous treatment of the topic will receive equal attention in this book. In section 1.1, where I discuss a selection of previous scholarship, the main aim is to illustrate the different issues that are at stake. Once these issues have been presented, the scope of this investigation will be delimited more precisely.","PeriodicalId":236441,"journal":{"name":"The Reflexes of Syllabic Liquids in Ancient Greek","volume":"103 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122031279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Reflexes ‑αρ‑ and ‑ρα‑ in Aorist Stems","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004469747_009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004469747_009","url":null,"abstract":"Aorists with a root of the phonological shape /CraC-/ are presented in Table 23 (when attested in Homer, no first attestation is indicated) on p. 357.1 Aorist stems (attested in Homer, classical Attic or both) with a root of the phonological shape /CarC-/ are presented in Table 24 (on p. 358). Of the verbsmentioned in these Tables, the following forms have no bearing on the issue of the double reflex of *r̥ in Ionic-Attic: – In six aorist stems, the reflex of *r̥ may have been influenced by the full grade in a corresponding present or perfect stem: ἔδραμον (‐δέδρομε), δραπών (δρέπω), ἔπαρδον (πέρδομαι), ἐτάρπην, ταρπώμεθα and τετάρπετο (τέρπομαι), ἔτραπον (τρέπω), ἐτράφην and ἔτραφον (τρέφω). – No conclusions regarding the regular Ionic-Attic vocalization of *r̥ can be based on the form ἔπραδες in Sophron, the 5th c. Syracusan poet who composedmimes in a form of literary Doric.2 The normal aorist of Attic πέρδομαι ‘to fart’ was ἔπαρδον (mostly with preverb). On the other hand, for assessing the regular vocalization in Syracusan or Corinthian the form ἔπραδες is highly relevant (see chapter 3). – The Homeric hapax ἀνέκραγον (Od. 14.467) contains a secondary zero grade beside the full grade CRāC‐ in the pf. κέκρᾱγα, which is either onomatopoeic","PeriodicalId":236441,"journal":{"name":"The Reflexes of Syllabic Liquids in Ancient Greek","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130501351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Conclusion","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004469747_013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004469747_013","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":236441,"journal":{"name":"The Reflexes of Syllabic Liquids in Ancient Greek","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121696313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}